The M-2 really earned its reputation in the Korean War, both the CCA and the NKPA used large numbers of Soviet SMGs and in short range fights, were able to overwhelm the Garand. The M-2 had the advantage of a more powerful cartridge and greater range than the SMGs. It is estimated that by the middle of the Korean War, roughly half of U.S. infantrymen were carrying M-2s.

During the Vietnam War it was widely issued to the SVNA, who preferred over the Garand, the light-built SVN soldiers were better able to handle its recoil than a full-fledged .30-06.

more on the carbine
 

I knew it was used in Korea and early in the VN War, but it hasn't seemed "famous" to me from there, so to speak.

At least until the AR-15/M-16 came along, it seems. I can't recall right now, was the M-2 at all considered as a competitor to the Stoner designs when they came along? Seems to me it was dropped PDQ rom the US arsenal when the M-14 came along?

FWIW, I now remember the M-2 was one of the weapons in the arsenal of my brother's 12" GIJoe back in the '70s, I can remember the bigger magazine. Mine had a white-stock M-1 Garand.

This is an interesting site with this page specifically dealing with the M1 carbine and variants in service: http://www.rt66.com/~korteng/SmallArms/m1carbin.htm

The Submachine Guns, Part 1, Chapter Twenty-Nine
 

Of all the weapons of World War Two, the most iconic is the legendary Thompson submachine gun. The brainchild of a distinguished Ordnance Department officer, who retired in 1915, John Taliaferro Thompson was also a key player in the development of two other legendary American weapons, the M-1903 Springfield rifle and the M-1911 pistol. He was recalled to active duty in 1917 and named as Director of Arsenals and charged with supervising small arms production. The results of Thompson’s work was very impressive and he was awarded the Distinguished Service Medal. He was released from active duty in December of 1918.

After his retirement, Thompson remained interested in the development of improved military weaponry. He designed a semiautomatic rifle that was ultimately passed over in favor of the M-1 Garand.

Thompson was also very interested in the concept of a “trench broom” (as he called it), which would be ideal for close-quarter combat. He recognized that the .45 ACP cartridge (which he had been instrumental in having adopted in 1911) would be ideal for such a weapon.

While working on his semiautomatic rifle design, Thompson had become enamored with a locking mechanism developed by a U.S. Navy officer, John B. Blish. The Blish principle utilized a sliding wedge as a locking device. Thompson chose to adopt the Blish locking mechanism for his trench broom gun, which he eventually renamed a submachine gun.

With Thompson’s reputation, it was not difficult for him to obtain financial backing for his new gun. He was able to assemble a talented team of designers and began to work in earnest. In 1919, the new firm of Auto-Ordnance was at the fore-front in the development of a American submachine gun.

The prototype weapon was tested by the government on April 27,1920; the Springfield Armory ran the weapon through a variety of tests, most impressive was a string of 2,000 rounds being fired, with only one stoppage. The Army test was quickly followed by a Marine test with equally impressive results. The new weapon was given a public showing at the National Matches in August of 1920 and impressed the crowed to no end.

The new weapon was given the designation “Thompson Submachine Gun, Model of 1921”. While the Army and the Marines tested the weapon, the weapon was not adopted due to budgetary reasons. Auto-Ordnance demonstrated the weapon to several foreign governments, who were all impressed by the weapon, but orders were not forthcoming. The company then switched to commercial sales, where it had better luck, although sales were never very high. The Thompson eventually gained a reputation as a gangster weapon due to its widely publicized use in the hands of the notorious criminals of the era. Sales to law enforcement agencies increased as many municipalities, as well as the FBI, who felt obliged to obtain Thompsons so as not to be outgunned by the crooks.

The Marine Corps also obtained several hundred M1921s for use in Nicaragua, where the weapon proved quite valuable in jungle fighting. A number of Thompsons were also obtained for the use of Marines guarding the mail during a rash of armed robberies. The Navy also obtained M1921s and issued them for use on some of its vessels, particularly the Yangtze River gunboats patrolling Chinese waters.

In 1928, the Navy decided to official adopt the Thompson, but asked for several modifications. The Navy wanted a lower rate of fire than the M1921
(600rpm vs. 800rpm), a horizontal foregrip replacing the vertical handgrip and a Cutts compensator. This feature had been available by special order since 1926. It helped to hold down the muzzle during firing by deflecting the muzzle blast upwards. With these changes, the “U.S. Navy, Model of 1928” was adopted. An order for 500 was placed with Auto-Ordnance which, with the previous 340 M1921s were sufficient for Navy and Marine needs for the current time.

By the late 1920s, the Army was in the process of acquiring mechanized vehicles such as tanks and scout cars to reequip the Cavalry. It was recognized that the Thompson would be ideal for use in such vehicles and in March of 1932, the Army standardized the weapon as “Non-Essential Limited Procurement”. In September of 1938, the Thompson was changed from Limited Procurement to Standard and received the designation of Submachine Gun, Caliber .45, Model of 1928A1.”

The M1921, M1928 and M1928A1 all used either 20-round box magazines or a 50-round drum magazine. A very heavy and cumbersome 100-round drum magazine was available as a commercial product, but none were ever procured by the government.

In June of 1939, the Army placed an order for 950 Thompsons, Auto-Ordnance licensed this contract to the Savage Arms Company while they purchased a old brake-lining factory in Bridgeport, Connecticut and renovated it as a arms making facility, in anticipation of increased orders. By late 1940, the demand for Thompsons had skyrocketed. In 1940 alone, the Army placed orders for 20,405 additional M1928A1s and in early 1941, orders topped 319,000 weapons. Many of these initial weapons were intended for Lend-Lease as the Army was slow to purchase Thompsons for their own use, since it was felt that the new M-1 Carbine would replace the submachine gun. After Pearl Harbor, however, it was decided that both weapons were needed and by February 1942, some 500,000 M1928A1 Thompsons had been produced.

The Thompson submachine gun had acquired the nickname “Tommy Gun” early in its life and the name stuck with the weapon. Auto-Ordnance recognized the value of the name and soon patented it. Thompsons were referred to as Tommy Guns both in and out of military service and the term is almost generic for all submachine guns.

The Thompson had the great advantage of being the only submachine gun in mass production in any of the allied nations during the early days of World War Two. It quickly earned a reputation was a reliable, hard-hitting weapon; but faced with an ever-increasing demand, Auto-Ordnance searched for ways to simplify the Thompson and increase its rate of production. The first candidate for redesign was the finely made, fully-adjustable Lyman rear sight. This required a great deal of machining time was quite expensive. Realistically, the sight was superfluous and overly complicated for use on a short-ranged weapon. In December of 1941, it was replaced by a simple stamped sheet metal peep sight that was not capable of adjustment. This change speeded up production and reduced the cost of the weapon, but did not materially effect the usefulness of the Thompson.

Another feature that was changed was the deletion of the barrel cooling fins. These were finely finished on the commercial Thompsons but as military production continued, the fins were first squared-off and then eliminated altogether. Again, this had little impact on the gun’s performance further reduced the cost and speeded up production.

Another shortcut was the elimination of the checking on the safety and fire selectors levers. These were replaced by simple stick-type levers. While not as easy to manipulate as the early levers, once again, it eliminated machining time and further reduced costs.

The M1928A1 Thompson was manufactured in greater numbers than any other variant with some 562,511 being produced between 1940 and 1943. Of these, some 300,000 were supplied to allied nations via Lend-Lease.

Even with these modifications, the basic mechanism remained unchanged from the M1921. In order to make a significant impact on manufacturing time and cost, all aspects of the weapon had to be re-evaluated. The Savage engineering team proposed a radical redesign that centered around the elimination of the Blish locking device. The Blish lock had always been considered to be of dubious value and required a great deal of manufacturing time. Savage proposed a simple straight blowback system that worked quite well in tests. In spite of initial resistance by Auto-Ordnance, the advantages of the blowback design were to great to overlook and a prototype was tested in early 1942. The new design functioned every bit as well as the M1928A1 and had the advantages of being cheaper and taking less manufacturing time. The Submachine Gun, Caliber .45, M-1 was adopted in April of 1942.

The M-1 had several changes: it a straight blowback design. The cocking handle was moved from the top of the receiver to the right side. The Cutts Compensator was eliminated. The removable buttstock of the M1928A1 was replaced by a permanently attached stock. The ability to use the 50-round drum was eliminated, only box magazines could be used.

The M-1 Thompson was placed into production as soon as the M1928A1 contracts ended. It was produced in the lowest numbers of any of the variants, with some 285,480 being made from early 1942 to early 1943.

The M-1 Thompson was further simplified by the substitution of a fixed firing pin on the face of the bolt rather than the separate hammer used with the M1928 and M1 models. This was adopted as the Submachine Gun, Caliber .45, M-1A1 in October of 1942. A major change was the introduction of stamped metal guard “ears” on either side the of stamped rear sight to protect it from damage.

Almost twice as many M-1A1s were produced with some 539,,142 being built by the time production stopped in 1944. In addition, a number of M-1s were converted into M-1A1s at ordnance depots and arsenals.

The elimination of all of these features had no real impact on the performance of the Thompson. Likewise the fact that the simplified Thompsons could not use the 50-round drum magazine had no real impact. In spite of its capacity, the drum magazine was considered to be awkward, heavy and prone to rattle, all undesirable traits in a combat weapon. In order to compensate for the loss of the drum’s firepower, a 30-round box magazine was issued and this could be used with all models of the Thompson.

The Thompson was a reliable weapon, able to function surprisingly well even when quite dirty. At close range, the .45 ACP round was a proven man-stopper and the rapid rate of fire, which could make control difficult, could place a lot of lead on target when necessary.

In spite of its overall good reputation, there were a number of problems. At 10 pounds, the Thompson was heavier than the M-1 Garand. Its pistol-caliber round resulted in a short effective range. But perhaps the most serious drawback was its lack of penetrating power. The .45 ACP round simply would not penetrate trees, roots and the sides of dugouts to anywhere near the degree that the .30-06 round could, this was vital in jungle warfare.

Just how good was the Thompson? Even though the Thompson was replaced by the M-3 and M-3A1 submachine guns following World War II, many soldiers carried it throughout the Korean War as well as the Vietnam War. Sixty years after the end of World War Two, many veterans consider the Thompson as one of the best weapons of the war. As one GI stated “My Thompson never let me down, it saved my life more than once.” No better praise can be given to any military weapon.

Submachine guns, Part 2, Ch Twenty-Nine
 

In February of 1941, even while plans were underway to increase production of the Thompson submachine gun, the Ordnance Department began a search for a new submachine gun. Twenty foreign and domestic designs were tested at the Aberdeen Proving Grounds. Surprisingly, the highest rated foreign submachine gun was the British Sten. Indeed, the Sten scored higher than the Thompson in such areas as simplicity, accuracy, weight and reliability. In addition, the Sten also had the very large advantage of being cheaper and faster to produce than the Thompson.

The highest rated domestic design was submitted by George J. Hyde. The Hyde gun was not as easy to produce as the Sten but required markedly less production time and cost than the Thompson. Since the Hyde gun showed some promise, the Ordnance Department negotiated a contract with General Motor’s Inland Manufacturing Division to work with Hyde in refining the design. After several prototypes were completed, in April of 1942, the Hyde gun was adopted as the “U.S. Submachine Gun, Caliber .45, M-2” and was given the designation of Substitute Standard. Since GM was heavily involved in production of the M-1 carbine, the firm could not start production of the M-2. In July of 1942, a contract was awarded to the Marlin Firearms Company. However, due to a combination of problems including difficulties in acquiring the necessary raw materials and some inherent design bugs, the M-2 never made it into production and the project was scrapped in early 1943.

Submachine Guns, Part 3, Chapter 29
 

When it became apparent that the M-2 design would not work out, the Ordnance Department began a search for a replacement design. After extensive study of the British Sten, the Ordnance Department announced a program in October of 1942 for “an all-metal gun, fabricated as far as possible from stamped parts to permit speed and economy of production and to require a minimum of machine operations and use little or no critical metals…A full automatic weapon with a low cyclic rate.”

George Hyde submitted a totally different design that met all of the above parameters. The new gun would be lighter and more compact than the Thompson and would be constructed of chiefly of stamped metal, thus overcoming the raw materials problem encountered with the ill-fated M-2. The new gun could be made for $20.00, a fraction of the cost of even the simplified M-1/M-1A1 Thompson, and it required less manufacturing time. The new design was even more reliable than the Sten. Since it was an unusual and crude appearing weapon, especially when compared to the Thompson, the gun managed to offend the sensibilities of traditional-minded military personal. With this in mind, the Ordnance Department stated the obvious when it summed up the gun’s test report “…in modern warfare, there are other criteria than mere appearance.”

The new submachine gun was formally adopted on December 24, 1942 as the “Submachine Gun, Caliber .45, M-3”, only two months after the initial design was submitted. General Motor’s Guide Lamp Division, which had extensive experience in metal stamping fabrication, was selected to manufacture the new submachine gun and production was underway by the summer of 1943.

The M-3 had a number of excellent features in addition to its ease of manufacture. The low cyclical rate of 400rpm made the gun easier to control. The weapon’s straight line of recoil also aided in controlling the weapon in automatic fire. A ejection port cover helped keep out a great deal of dirt and mud and the gun’s general loose tolerances allowed for operation, even when the weapon was dirty. All in all, the M-3 was more reliable than the Thompson under adverse conditions.

The new weapon was only issued with a 30-round box magazine. The M-3 was only capable of automatic fire; however, with its slow rate of fire, an experienced user could squeeze off single shots without much trouble.

In the latter part of 1943, the M-3 began to be issued to the troops, its reception was not enthusiastic. The gun looked peculiar when compared to traditional and well-machined weapons, such as the Thompson. The M-3 earned many nicknames, but the most common one was the “grease gun”, given the weapon’s uncanny similarity to the mechanic’s lubricating tool of the day. The M-3 was produced in fairly large numbers with some 605,664 being built between 1943-1945. All were made by Guide Lamp.

In spite of the M3’s good traits, there were a number of problems. It had poor balance which made it awkward to an inexperienced user. The magazine proved to temperamental and was not as reliable as the Thompson’s magazine. In February of 1944, changes were made to correct several issues. These included a reinforced rear sight, a strengthened magazine catch, a higher grade of metal for the locking lever and a redesigned bolt retracting lever.

While these changes helped, in April of 1944, a program was initiated to design additional modifications aimed at further increasing the weapon’s utility and ease of manufacture, these included:
1) The ejection port was enlarged.
2) Since the retracting handle had proven to be troublesome, it was eliminated and a finger hole added to the bolt which allowed the bolt to be pulled back to the cocked position.
3) Disassembly grooves were added to the barrel to assist in removal.
4) The cover spring was made stronger.
5) The wire buttstock was redesigned to allow it to be used as a barrel removal wrench and as a magazine filler.
6) The grip contained an oil can with a larger capacity.
7) A guard was added to the magazine release catch to prevent accidental release of the magazine.

The changes were significant enough to require a designation change. The newly modified weapon was adopted in December of 1944 as the “Submachine Gun, Caliber .45, M-3A1.” and was classified as Standard. The M-3 was reclassified as Limited Standard in April of 1945. Few M-3A2s were produced during World War Two, with only some 15,469 being built by 1945.

When the M-3 was first issued, the GI viewpoint of the weapon was negative. But as the soldiers gained combat experience with it, their viewpoint changed. The M-3 proved to be at least as reliable as a Thompson and had the advantage of being lighter and more accurate when fired. With the end of World War Two, the Thompson was withdrawn from service, while the M-3 soldiered on well into the 1990s…not a bad record for weapon that hasn’t been manufactured for over 40 years!

Automatic Rifles, Ch 30
 

World War One was the first conflict in which automatic weapons played a major role. The heavy toll that machine guns had on both sides forces a revision in tactical thinking and improved weaponry to counter this new threat.

While the unwieldy, crew-served heavy machine guns of the day were brutally effective in fixed, defensive positions, there was also a need for an automatic support weapon that was light enough to be carried and operated by one man. Such a weapon would dramatically increase the firepower of an infantry squad. So desperate was the need for such a weapon that engineers on both sides labored to come up with suitable designs.

When the U.S. entered the war, so severe was the lack of modern weapons that the U.S. Army had to adopt many French designs. One of these was the French “Fusil Mitrailleur Modele 1915”, more widely known as the Chauchat. This automatic rifle was used extensively by both the French and Americans and while it filled the role of an automatic rifle, it was a poorly designed, and even more poorly constructed weapon that earned one of the worst reputations of any military weapon of the 20th Century.

Clearly, a better designed weapon was sorely needed.

Legendary gun inventor John Moses Browning stepped up to the task. He had conceived a automatic rifle design several years prior to World War One, but he had not fully developed the concept into a working model. With the U.S. entry into the war, Browning resumed work on his automatic rifle and he had a hand-built prototype ready less than a month after the U.S. declaration of war. In May, 1917, the War Department created a board to test several automatic rifle designs. Browning’s design was the clear winner, and it was adopted and rushed into series production. While Colt had developed the design, so back logged were they that the could produce the rifle. In World War One, the Winchester Repeating Arms Company and the Marlin-Rockwell Corporation were the prime contractors for the new automatic rifle.

Adopted as the “Browning Machine Rifle, Model of 1918”, the new rifle entered production in December of 1917. Soon after it entered service it was soon widely known as the Browning Automatic Rifle or even more simply, as the BAR.

The M1918 BAR was a beautifully crafted weapon with a massive receiver machined from a solid steel bar. It was finished in commercial grade blue and had a good quality walnut stock. It was capable of both semi- and fully-automatic operation and it could fire at the rate of 500 rounds per minute. It weighed only 16 pounds, it was chambered for the powerful .30-06 cartridge and used a 20-round box magazine.

The initial “role” for the BAR was to deliver “marching fire” to keep enemy soldiers suppressed as our infantry advanced across No Man’s Land. BARs saw their first combat action in July of 1918 and it gained immediate popularity with the Doughboys. As soon as the British and French saw the new weapon, Washington was deluged with requests for the BAR to be sold to the allies. These requests were denied until our troops had been fully equipped. Sufficient numbers (43,368) of the BAR did not become available until November of 1918.

After World War One, the BAR was adopted as the armed forces standard automatic rifle where it served around the globe in the various hot spots of the inter-war years; where it cemented its already formidable reputation. In 1922, the Army developed a lightweight version as the Model of 1922, intended for use by the cavalry. Only a few hundred were ever built and the M1922 was removed from service before several years before the Second World War.

In June of 1937, the M-1918A1 entered service, this was a modification of the basic M-1918. These consisted of a folding bipod along with a hinged butt plate to assist in keeping the weapon on the shoulder when fired. The M1918A1 was capable of selective fire like the M1918. The weight was increased to 18.5 pounds. No M1918A1 BARs were manufactured, being converted from existing stocks of the M1918, the exact numbers modified are unknown but is believed to not have very large.

The final mass produced version of the BAR was the M-1918A2 which was adopted in 1940. It was similar to the existing M1918/M1918A1 with the following modifications;
1) A folding bipod, adjustable for height with skid-type feet was mounted on a new flash hider. The M1918 did not have a bipod, while the M1918A1 had spiked feet and was mounted on the gas cylinder.
2) A removable monopod butt rest was added when first adopted, although this feature was soon dropped from use.
3) The M1917 Enfield sight used on the M1918/M1918A1 was replaced by a new sight, very similar to that used on the M-1919A4 machine gun.
4) The fore-end was cut down in height in order to expose more of the barrel surface as an aid in cooling and to help prevent charring of the wood in sustained fire.
5) Guide ribs were added in front of the magazine well to assist with the insertion of magazines
6) A folding butt plate assembly similar to the M1918A1 was utilized.
7) The M1918A2 was not selective fire, with the adoption of the M-1 Garand, it was no longer felt that the semi-automatic feature was needed. It was replaced with a selector that allowed a slow rate of fire (300-450rpm) and a high rate of fire (500-650rpm).

These improvements raised the weight of the M1918A2 to 20 pounds.

The first M1918A2s were modified from M1918 BARs, a total of 181,380 M1918s (virtually the entire World War One and inter-war production) were converted by 1943. So great was the need for the M1918A2, that International Business Machines (OBM) and New England Small Arms were awarded contracts. During the period 1941-1945, some 208,380 M1918A2s were delivered to the government.

With the pressure of increased demand, the Ordnance Department soon was seeking means to speed up production. Lower grades of steel and other manufacturing shortcuts were tried out. The original fore-end was replaced with a shorter one. The monopod butt rest was dropped. A plastic buttstock was substituted for the walnut stock. Later in the war, a carrying handle was mounted on the barrel to assist in carrying the BAR. But as soon as the BAR reached the hands of the troops, and the troops entered combat, many of these features soon found themselves “damaged in combat” or “combat-lost” as the troops stripped the BAR back into its original 1918 version.

Originally, the TO&E for an infantry squad called for one BAR to provide the squad with automatic fire support. As the war progressed, many infantry squads obtained additional BARs by every possible means. By the end of the war, there were reports of squads with as many as 4-5 BARs.

The popularity of the BAR was due to several reasons. The main reason was that the .30-06 round has superior power and penetrating ability than the .45 caliber round of the submachine gun. The BAR combined firepower with reasonable portability and good accuracy. It complemented the M-1 Garand.

The BAR was not a perfect weapon. It did not have a quick-change barrel, which led to problems with overheating in the sustained fire role. Its 20 pound weight was hated. The limited capacity of the 20-round magazine was disliked, but its placement under the receiver prevented a larger capacity magazine from being used.

The Ordnance Department was well aware of the BARs shortcomings and there were several attempts to design a replacement. One of the first was a plan to produce the British Bren light machine gun in the
.30-06 caliber, testing did not reveal a sufficient improvement to warrant the replacement of the BAR. The second was a plan to produce the German MG-42 in .30-06. While being several pounds heavier than the BAR, the MG-42 had many desirable qualities, utilizing a belt-feed and featuring a quick-change barrel. It is a little known fact that during World War Two, the Saginaw Steering Gear Division of General Motors actually hand-built two prototypes of the MG-42, chambered in .30-06. Both weapons were tested but were unsatisfactory and the project was dropped. It was later discovered that the project engineers had not allowed for the difference in the sizes of the German 7.92mm round and the American .30-caliber. In any event, many features of the MG-42 were utilized on the BAR’s successor. The M-60 machine gun.

The M1918A2 BAR soldered on throughout World War Two and into the Korean War. It was retained in U.S. service until 1957 and the weapon saw service during the Vietnam War. The Browning Automatic Rifle’s reputation as a classic American combat weapon is secure.

Automatic Rifles, Chapter Thirty
 

The only other weapon similar to the BAR that was fielded in World War Two by the U.S. Army was the Model of 1941 Johnson Light Machine Gun. In spite of its name, the design was technically classified as an automatic rifle. Invented by Melvin M. Johnson ,designer of the Model of 1941 Johnson Rifle. Like the rifle, the Johnson Light Machine Gun shared many similarities, it was even produced by the same firm---Cranston Arms Company.

Like the Johnson Rifle, the Johnson LMG utilized the same short-recoil operation and the receivers and other features were vary similar. The LMG was capable of semiautomatic operation as well as full automatic (rate of fire could be varied from 300-900 rpm). In order to decrease muzzle rise, the gun was designed to have a straight line recoil thrust that necessitated a high front sight. The rear sight was capable of fine adjustments and could be folded down when not in use. A bipod was fitted that could also be folded back when necessary.

In addition to its novel recoil operated mechanism, the M1941 LMG had several innovative and useful design features. It weighed (without magazine) only 12.3 pounds. The weapon fed from a 20-round detachable box magazine that was inserted into the left side of the receiver. Additional rounds could be added from the right side of the receiver, either by single rounds or via the five-round ‘03 stripper clip, without removing the magazine. This enabled several rounds to be inserted while keeping the balance of the magazine in reserve. Another valuable feature was the fact that the feed lips that guided the cartridges into the chamber were an integral part of the receiver. Since the feed lips were machined from solid metal, they were not subject to deformation and subsequent misfeeding as were other conventional detachable box magazines.

Another interesting feature was its ability to fire in the semiautomatic mode from a closed bolt and in the fully automatic mode from an open bolt. This gave the advantage of increased accuracy when firing semiautomatic but allowed the cooling effects of open bolt operation to prevent “cook offs” from an overheated chamber when firing full automatic.

Like the M1941 Rifle, the M1941 LMG’s barrel could be quickly and easily removed. This eliminated one of the BAR’s major liabilities of a permanently attached barrel. With the M1941, extra barrels could be carried, which allowed the weapon to have a greatly increased sustained fire capability when compared to the BAR.

Like the M1941 Rifle, orders of the LMG were mostly placed by the Netherlands government, but, as the case with the Johnston Rifle, few were delivered prior to the capture of the Dutch East Indies. The balance of the order was embargoed in order to keep them out of the hands of the Japanese.

The Ordnance Department tested five M1941 LMGs in August of 1942, but no recommendations for their adoption was forthcoming. Since the Marines were unable to get sufficient BARs for their use, conducted a series of tests of the M1941 LMG which led to the procurement of a number that were issued to the Para-Marines and Raiders. Following this, the Marine TO&E of 1942, called for 87 Johnson Light Machine Guns to be issued. By most accounts, the M1941 LMG was generally popular with the Marines who used them.

In addition to its use with the USMC, the Johnson LMG was also issued to the Army’s First Special Service Force. The FSSF had airborne operations as part of its training and the Johnson LMG attracted attention due to its ability to be dissembled into a small package (it has been reported that the FSSF was able to trade a quantity of the new RS explosive compound to the USMC in exchange for 147 M1941 LMGs).

The FSSF is the only Army unit known to have used the Johnson LMG, although it has been reported (without any written confirmation) that the Army Ranger battalions may have also used the weapon. By all reports, the M1941 LMG was well liked by its users.

During the Second World War, some 10,000 M1941 Johnson LMGs were manufactured, all by the Cranston Arms Company, with only a few hundred ever being issued to Army and Marine units.

In spite of its popularity with many of its users, not everyone was enamored with the Johnson LMG. Among the many issues was the lack of a suitable means to carry the Johnson’s 20-round curved magazine. Since the Johnson was a non-standard weapon, such accoutrements as magazine belts were not procured. In addition the side mounted magazine’s tendency to unbalance the weapon by placing more weight on the left side. The high front sight also came in for criticism due to its snagging on vines and undergrowth when moving through the jungle.

There was no formal evaluation of the durability of the Johnson LMG during World War II. But there are reports that the LMG was a bit too fragile and delicate for extended military use. The long unsupported barrel and some internal components were not durable enough for the rigors of combat. There were also reports of the weapon jamming during extended periods of firing.

An improved version of the M1941 LMG was designed to eliminate some of the defects of these defects. The improved weapon was tested at Aberdeen Proving Grounds in December of 1943 and it was revealed that functioning was “generally very satisfactory under normal conditions, but unsatisfactory under adverse conditions of mud, cold and dust…”

Further development led to the M1944 Johnson LMG which was thoroughly tested by the Marine Corps Equipment Board, who recommended it for adoption as a replacement for the BAR. This was rejected by the Commandant in July of 1944 as it was felt that the height of a war was not the time to “change horses in the middle of a stream”. It was also noted by the Commandant that “the Marine Corps was a customer of the Ordnance Corps in small arms matters, and consequently is reluctant to adopt an automatic rifle which is not Army standard.” However, the Marines did not close the door on the M1944 LMG, stating “the Corps desires to lend impetus to the continued development of the Johnson Light Machine Gun, and stands ready to perform such functions in that connection as may be considered desirable.”

The Army placed an order for ten M1944 LMGs for testing, these weapons were not delivered until June 1945 and the war ended before any extensive evaluation could be conducted.

Further development work was ultimately ended in the post-war glut of surplus weapons. By the late 1940s, Johnson dropped any further development of his machine gun.

Crew-Served Weapons, The M-1917A1
 

The first machine gun in U.S. Army service was the mechanical, multi-barreled Gatling Gun which was issued in 1-inch, .50-caliber and .45-70 calibers. Never purchased in large numbers, these weapons served in the latter part of the Indian wars and during the Spanish-American War.

The first true machine gun to see service was the M-1895 Colt machine gun, more commonly known as the “Potato Digger” due to the unusual action of its gas return lever. These first saw service in the Boxer Rebellion and later the Spanish-American War. Originally, these were chambered for the 6mm, then the
.30-40 Krag round and, later, the .30-06 round. The M1895 was never officially adopted by the Army, instead being used as “test” weapons.

In 1904, the Army adopted the Maxim machine gun as the M-1904. In the pre-World War One years, some 300 were delivered, followed by another 12,000 during World War One. But in World War One, the need for machine guns so far outpaced production, that the U.S. Army had to purchase several thousand machine guns from the French for use by the AEF.

Enter John M. Browning.

Browning recognized in 1901, that there was a need for a truly modern, American machine gun. He did initial work on a recoil operated weapon, but his design was never fully developed. The Ordnance Department tested his design in 1917 and found it to be an outstanding design. It was adopted as the M-1917 machine gun. The firms of Remington, Colt and New England Westinghouse built some 68,389 during World War One, with some 30,582 serving in France.

The M-1917, like most of Browning’s designs was noted for its simplicity and reliability. Compared to its contemporaries, the Browning was very easy to disassemble with only a simple combination tool. This feature impressed the ordnance officers at the weapons test. There is a little known story that goes;

“One of the guns at the trails was accompanied by a formidable kit of tools in a box. An officer asked Mr. Browning where the tools for the Browning gun were and where did he want them put. Mr. Browning smiled a sad sort of smile and reached into his vest pocket and pulled out a device the size of a fountain pen. With this device and an empty shell, he dismounted the Browning gun and put them back together again.”

With the end of World War One, the Army evaluated the M-1917 and suggested some improvements to correct weaknesses in the design.. The M-1917A1 was adopted in 1920. Nearly all of the 68,000 WWI M-1917s were modified to the M-1917A1 standard. Many of these modified weapons saw service with the British in the early days of World War Two.

The M-1917A1 .30-caliber water-cooled machine gun was designated as a heavy machine gun. The gun (with water) weighed in at 41 pounds, while its tripod added another 52.15 pounds, all told it weighed a hefty 93 pounds in its firing position, NOT including water cans, ammunition boxes and other accessories. The typical method of feed was by a 250-round fabric belt, this was latter replaced after WWII by a disintegrating link belt. Rate of fire was between 450-600 rounds per minute.

In spite of its weight and bulk, the M-1917A1 was widely used in all theaters. Its performance was outstanding and it proved to be one of the most reliable weapons of its type ever fielded.

Its sustained fire capability was impressive due to its water-cooled system. On numerous occasions, the
M-1917A1 delivered sustained fire lasting for hours. It was the workhorse of the Army’s and Marines through out WWII and into the Korea War.

However, the M-1917A1 was not with its faults. The heavy weight of the weapon restricted it to fixed, defensive positions. It could not be rapidly deployed forward to support fast-moving infantry assaults, this restricted its use in the miserable terrain of the Pacific Theater. Although it saw much more service in the European Theater due to the scale of vehicular mobility.

During World War II, some 53,859 M-1917A1s were built.

If you ever happen to pass through Ogden, Utah, (along US I-80) take the time to visit the John Browning Museum. They have a replica of Browning's workshop, as well as a fantastic assortment of original firearms and prototypes in various stages of assembly. For a gun enthusiast, it's just a shade below visiting Mecca.:)

Crew-Served Weapons, The M-1919 series
 

While the M-1917/M-1917A1 was considered to be an outstanding design, it was recognized early on that the disadvantages of its water-cooling system and the resulting weight precluded its use in an offensive role. It was a search of lightweight machine guns to equip aircraft and the fledging tank corps that brought about the next evolution in U.S. machine guns.

The Ordnance Department started its search by modifying a M-1917 by stripping the water jacket and decreasing the length of the barrel down to 18 inches. World War One ended before the result could see any combat testing, but it was adopted as the Caliber .30 Browning Tank Machine Gun, Model of 1919. In order aid the cooling of the barrel, a perforated metal jacket was fitted around the barrel and an optical sight and ball mount added for use in a tank (along with a lightweight tripod for dismounted use).

Some 2,586 M-1919s were converted from existing M-1917 guns and it remained the Army’s standard tank co-axial weapon well into the 1930s. Of interest was that almost all of the M-1919s were converted into
M-1917A1s prior to World War Two.

While the M-1919 was intended as an armor weapon, its usefulness as an infantry weapon was obvious. In the early 1920s, several M-1919s were modified for infantry use by removing the ball mount and substituting a more durable tube sight. Development work lasted for a decade, but it was later adopted as the
M-1919A1 in 1931.

Since the M-1919A1 was a makeshift design, problems soon arose with the weapons sights, barrel and tripod. Nevertheless, the M-1919A1 validated the concept of a lightweight .30-caliber air-cooled machine gun for infantry use. An improved variant, the M-1919A2 was developed for use by the cavalry, but was not totally acceptable to the Army. Only a small (unknown) number were every converted. Reportedly, several M-1919A2s saw action in the early days of World War Two in the Philippines.

By the late 1920s, the Army was committed to the idea of an air-cooled .30-caliber machine gun for the infantry. And an evaluation was performed to test the modifications recommended to improve the earlier weapons. The M-1919A3 was developed to test the modifications. This testing process confirmed several weaknesses in the M-1919A3 design and only 75 were ever purchased. A modified M-1919A3, that incorporated the beast features of the earlier designs and added improvements; including a 24-inch barrel, new sights and an improved tripod.

The refined design was adopted in the mid-1930s as the M-191A4. Initial production was extremely low, a total of 389,251 M-1919A4s were built during World War Two, with the Saginaw Steering Gear Division of General Motors producing the largest number.

The M-1919A4 weighed in at 31 pounds (the M-1917A1 at 41 pounds); its lightweight M-2 tripod weighed in at a mere 14 pounds, while the M-1917A1’s tripod weighed in at 52.15 pounds. Both weapons used the same 250-round fabric belt (later replaced by a disintegrating link belt). Rate of fire for the M1919A4 was a steady 400-550rpm. While it was not as capable as the M1917A1 in the sustained fire role, the M1919A4 was much more portable and more easily concealed. The M-1919A4 was issued at the rate of two per rifle company’s weapons platoon.

The M-1919A4 saw service throughout World War Two, the Korean War and into the early days of the Vietnam War. A large number were converted to the standard NATO 7.62x51mm round.

Even with the success of the M1919A4, there remained a gap in between this weapon and the squad’s BAR. In 1940, the Ordnance Department issued a directive calling for a machine gun weighing 22 pounds or less. While several foreign designs were tested, none were adopted. Front line troops asked for a machine gun, fitted with a bipod and buttstock and a carrying handle. The Ordnance Department added these requests to a standard M1919A4 that had been retrofitted with light weight parts, creating the M-1919A6. Some 43,479 were built throughout WWII and the Korean War. The M1919A6 could also be used with the M-2 tripod. Soldiers who had used both weapons did not consider the M1919A6 to be sufficiently lighter and handier than the M1919A4.

You're really putting in the work, dude. Thanks for the sweat and toil. I'm enjoying reading this work immensely.

Mr. Browning's .50 caliber shooting machine
 

Beyond a shadow of a doubt, one of the most formidable and versatile infantry weapons of World War Two was the famous Browning .50-caliber machine gun. During the war, the .50-caliber served in a variety of roles ranging from aircraft armament to ground combat use. Its effectiveness has made it one of the most widely used weapons of the American military (not to mention that it is still in service!).

Like the M-1917A1, the .50-caliber machine gun has its roots back in the First World War. When the American Expeditionary Force entered combat, one of the weapons in the German arsenal that our troops did not have was the 13.2mm antitank rifle. This massive, bolt-action weapon was developed by the Germans to counter Allied tanks. The lightly armored tanks of the time were highly vulnerable to this large caliber, high velocity cartridge.

Since the Germans were beginning to deploy tanks against the Allies, the AEF needed a comparable weapon to counter this new threat. In April of 1918, the AEF requested a machine gun firing a cartridge comparable to the German 13.2mm round. It was felt that a machine gun would be more effective than a bolt-action rifle.

The task of developing such a cartridge fell to the Winchester Repeating Firearms Company. Ballistic testing confirmed that a .50-caliber cartridge would be the optimum size (comparable to the 13.2mm which is .53-caliber). The resulting cartridge bore a strong appearance to a greatly scaled up .30-06 round. Preliminary testing revealed some ballistic shortcomings and additional development was need to make it acceptable.

While Winchester worked out the problems with the cartridge, the Ordnance Department looked for the best type of machine gun to use the round, so they approached John M. Browning. Browning stated that he could scale up his M-1917 action to fire the new .50-caliber cartridge. Working in conjunction with the Colt’s Patent Firearms Manufacturing Company, Browning tackled the project and had a prototype weapon ready for testing on November 12, 1918. Unfortunately, the Armistice occurred on November 11, 1918, so the new weapon saw no combat service.

Development work on the machine gun continued after the war and the Frankford Arsenal took over the refinement of the .50-caliber cartridge. The revised round was significantly more powerful than the original Winchester design. The new round fired a massive 700 grain bullet at 2,800 feet per second, which equaled or excelled the performance of the original German 13.2mm round. Unfortunately, the power of the revised .50-caliber round presented some problems including the fact that its recoil could shake apart Browning’s basic machine gun mechanism apart. To counter this problem, Browning developed a hydraulic buffer which eliminated much of the recoil stress and could also be adjusted to control the rate of fire to some extent.

Extensive testing of the new machine gun and cartridge began in 1919 and continued for almost two years. This in-depth testing showed the excellence of the weapon and it was formally adopted as the Model 1921. This used the basic Browning recoil-operated mechanism (with the new buffer system) and utilized the basic type of water-cooling. Both the Army and the Navy adopted the M-1921 (although none were procured for issue until 1925). Between 1925 and 1934, only 1,000 M1921s were delivered. Although intended as an antitank weapon, it was also utilized as an anti-aircraft weapon.

During this period the only major problem to arise was with the charging handle, which proved to be rather difficult to manipulate. An improved design was developed in 1930 and the revised weapon was named the M-1921A1. The new charging handle was retro-fitted to the weapons previously manufactured.

As the Army began to consider the eventual necessity of changing from the old horse equipment to mechanized equipment, the type of armament for tanks and other vehicles was carefully evaluated. Since the M-1921A1 was the standard antitank weapon, it was natural for that weapon to be considered for such use. However, the water-cooling mechanism was both heavy and bulky and so a request was made for an air-cooled version.

In order to compensate for the removal of the water-cooling mechanism, a heavier, 36-inch barrel was designed. This weapon proved to be what the Army was looking for and the “Caliber .50 Machine Gun, Heavy Barrel, M-2” was born.

In addition to its use on vehicles the M-2HB was equipped with a heavy tripod (the M-3) for ground use. In order to achieve the maximum possible performance of the .50-caliber cartridge, the barrel length was increased from 36-inches to 45-inches. The greater weight of the new barrel lowered the rate of fire. The basic M-2HB weighed in at 81 pounds and the M-3 tripod added an additional 44 pounds. The M-2 could be feed from either side of the receiver. It had a rate of fire ranging from 450-550 rounds per minute and had an effective range of 2,500 yards.

While production was ramping up for the M-2HB, it was also decided to improve the M-1921/M-1921A1 by replacing its bulky water-feed mechanism with a streamlined version. This adopted in 1933 as the “Caliber .50 Machine Gun, Water Cooled, M-2”. The M-3 weighed in at 100 pounds and the water jacket added another 21 pounds. It was typically mounted on the M-3 anti-aircraft mount which weighed 380 pounds when set up for action. The “Water Chest, M-3” was also, but weighed in at 74.5 pounds when filled. Due to its extreme weight, the M-3 was not used in the infantry role, being used instead as an anti-aircraft mount in fixed, fortified weapons. In such a role it was very effective because it could fire long bursts without danger of over-heating. Some 82,500 water-cooled M-2s were built during World War Two.

The M-2HB saw widespread use in every theater of the war, total production was 1,964,418, three quarters of which were modified for aircraft use by adding a perforated cooling jacket to the barrel. The M-2HB was unquestionably the best weapon of its type field by either side during World War Two. After the war, it remained the standard heavy machine gun of the U.S. military and provided honorable service in Korea and Vietnam, with only minor changes to its World War II configuration.

Even more remarkably, the M-2HB is still the stand heavy machine gun of the U.S. military today! As one author so aptly stated “There isn’t a machine gun that has received more heartful appreciation from its uses and fear from its victims…than Mr. Browning’s caliber .50 shooting machine.”

Seventy-four years after its adoption, John Browning’s classis design soldiers on.

The Bazooka
 

The evolution of warfare in the 20th Century had resulted in ever-increasing challenges for the infantrymen. Beginning in the First World War, the average soldier was faced with stopping weapons that were unimaginable less than a decade earlier. For example, tanks and airplanes made their debut during World War I and the introduction of these weapons caused the armies of both sides to look for ways to counter the new threats.

The United States developed the .50-caliber machine gun during the 1920s and 1930s in order to provide the infantry with an effective antitank and antitank weapon. When compared to the lightly armored tanks of the period, this weapon was considered to be an adequate weapon. This remained the case until virtually the time of America’s entry into the Second World War.

The overwhelming success of the early German victories of 1039-1940 was due in large measure to the innovative and aggressive use of armored units. The U.S. Army recognized that it was unprepared to deal with the technology of modern armored warfare. With the advent of heavier armor, it was apparent that the standard antitank weapon, the .50-caliber machine gun, was totally inadequate. Clearly, a new type of antitank weapon capable of being used by an infantryman was desperately needed.

The weapon that is now commonly known as the bazooka was the result of a fortuitous and timely combination of two divergent technologies. The individual most responsible for the development of the bazooka was Leslie A. Skinner. The son of an Army surgeon, Skinner was born in 1900. He had a fascination with rockets since his early teens and had built a number of working models. He was appointed to West Point and was commissioned in the U.S. Army in 1924. He transferred to the Ordnance Corps in 1931 and was assigned to develop rockets fired from airplanes. Skinner was in the enviable position of having his vocation and avocation coincide. Skinner left his duties in 1933 to study for a year at M.I.T. and returned to Aberdeen Proving Grounds in mid-1943. He continued his experiments with rockets and often used his own money to fund the research. He was transferred to Hawaii in 1938 and his rocket research came to a halt until he was reassigned to Aberdeen in November of 1940. By this time, the German onslaught in Europe was in full force and the Ordnance Department wanted Skinner to concentrate on the task of developing an antitank weapon using his rocket research. Skinner had the good fortune of having a capable assistant assigned to the project, Lieutenant Edward G. Uhl. Skinner and Uhl began testing a prototype design in early 1942, which comprised a simple metal tube with an electrical firing system operated by two flashlight batteries. Skinner’s design overcame the typical problem common to other experimental antitank weapons being tested, that of excessive recoil. Since the tube was open at both ends, the rocket’s exhaust gases were vented out of the bank and the recoil problem was minimal. The new rocket launcher worked well but the weapon had one severe problem. It could not operate with an explosive charge large enough to penetrate a tank’s armor. As stated in the book “There’s a War to Be Won,”
“By the spring of 1942, Skinner and Uhl had broken the back of every obstacle but one; they didn’t have an effective warhead. They had a rocket that flew straight and true. What they didn’t have was a weapon.”

Even as Skinner was working on his rocket launcher, a totally unrelated Ordnance Department project was underway. In late 1940, a young Swiss engineer, Henry H. Mohaupt, approached the Ordnance Department with a proposal for a new type of antitank explosive. Mohaupt’s design was based on a previously discovered, but unrefined concept of the shaped charge. This type of warhead focused an explosive charge on a single concentrated point and allowed a relatively small amount of explosive to punch a hole through armor. Subsequent testing convinced skeptical Ordnance people that the concept worked. Since the threat of German tanks loomed large at this time, a crash program was started to develop an antitank grenade based on the shaped charge concept. In late 1941, on the eve of the U.S. entry into World War Two, the “Grenade, High-Explosive, Antitank, M-10” was adopted. Unfortunately, it was impossible to hand throw this three-pound grenade so an effort to develop a spigot-type discharger was started. This proved to be unsuccessful as the angle of trajectory was unsuitable. The only means left to project the M-10 was either via the rifle grenade launcher or by fitting a launcher to the standard .50-caliber machine gun. The extreme recoil generated by firing the rifle grenade version often resulted in the shattering of rifle stocks and at least two reported instances of the soldier’s shoulder as well), so severe was the recoil force that even the .50-caliber’s tripod was bent. While the Ordnance Department labored to develop a suitable projector, production of the M-10 continued.

As Skinner was working on a suitable warhead for his rocket, he came across some M-10 grenades at Aberdeen and it quickly became apparent that this was the solution that he was looking for. The M-10 grenade weighed three pounds and could penetrate about 80mm of armor. Skinner and Uhl fashioned the first projectiles from dummy M-10s found on the Aberdeen ranges and added a rocket motor and fins. In April of 1942, the Frankford Arsenal built a launcher based on Skinner’s design. The prototype had a 54-inch long tube which was 2.36-inches in diameter. The inside diameter of the tube was dictated by the outside diameter of the M-10 grenade. The length was calculated as the minimum needed to allow the rocket motor to completely burn out before leaving the tube.

Skinner and Uhl took their new weapon to be tested at Aberdeen and, as luck would have it, they arrived as a demonstration of various other antitank weapons was in progress. A moving tank was used as a target, and Skinner and Uhl quietly took up a position at the end of the firing line. Uhl had fashioned a crude sight from a piece of wire he found on the ground. As the tank approached them, Uhl fired a rocket and hit it. Before the tank could turn around, Skinner had reloaded and Uhl hit it with the sound round. Excited Ordnance officials quickly converged on the pair and were soon firing the new rockets as well. The result was that the new launcher was ordered into priority production.

It was also noted that when Skinner’s superiors at the Ordnance Department discovered that he didn’t “go through channels,” he “…found himself the guest of honor at a private, very through chewing out covering all the bases from lack of loyalty too insubordination.”

The new weapon was standardized on June 30, 1942 as the “Launcher, Rocket, Antitank, M-1” and the rocket as the M-6. The weapon was soon dubbed the “bazooka” since it had some resemblance to a musical instrument used by a well-known radio comedian of the day, Bob Burns. The term bazooka was never officially adopted, but it quickly caught on and was universally used throughout the war.

The General Electric Corporation was selected to build the new weapon and on May 19, 1942, the firm was given a purchase order to “design, develop and produce” 5,000 bazookas in 30 days. This was a month prior to the official adoption of the bazooka. GE accepted the order even though it would normally take at least six months to accomplish. General Electric’s Bridgeport Works tackled the job and within 24 hours, the first design drawings were finished. Four days later, several test models were in the hands of the Army for evaluation and by the end of May, 20 test models had been completed. The testing took two weeks before approval was given to start production. This left only eight days to manufacture the 5,000 bazookas. GE worked feverishly to complete the order. Steel was delivered from Pittsburgh by truck drivers working around the clock, and some material was delivered by aircraft. It is reported that an Army Ordnance officer working on the project was bringing a trunk load of bazooka stocks to the factory in his automobile and was stopped for speeding by a state policeman. When the policeman learned of the nature of the delivery, he provided a personal escort to the plant.

While General Electric was producing the M-1 launcher, the firm of E.G. Budd Company was working on its contract to make 25,000 M-6 antitank rockets and 5,000 M-7 practice rockets.

The Army desperately needed the bazookas in the hands of the troops soon to be sent to North Africa and every possible effort was made to speed production. As stated in the book “Men and Volts at War,”
“As the bazookas came off the line they were hustled into waiting Army trucks, and were on their way to a port of embarkation before the stain on the gunstocks was dry. The last of the 5,000 bazookas of this big job came off the line on the eighth day with 89 minutes to spare before the expiration of the Army’s time limit.”

The initial order for 25,000 M-6 rockets was increased in June of 1942 to 75,000 rockets. Also in July, the number of bazookas on order was increased to 75,000 with delivery to be made before the end of the year.

The M-1 bazooka weighed approximately 18 pounds and was 54-inches long with a 2.36-inch bore and was remarkably similar to Skinner’s original design. A front sight was welded on the barrel near the muzzle and could be used from either the left or right sides. It had four aiming points corresponding to 100, 200, 300 and 400 yards. The rear sight was a simple metal leaf. Two hand grips were welded to the bottom of the tube. The rear grip contained the trigger and electrical contact switches. A wooden shoulder stock was fastened to the bottom of the tube, held two dry-cell flashlight batteries in a sliding compartment. One battery provided the power necessary to ignite the rocket and the other was a spare. A circuit tester consisting of a single small light bulb was placed on the left side of the stock that could be used to check if the electrical firing systems was operational. This proved to be a valuable feature since malfunctions due to weak batteries were common.

The M-6 antitank rocket had a wire taped to the outside of the body that was fastened to a contact box on top of the bazooka’s tube. An electrical charge carried by this wire ignited the rocket motor. The M-6 was equipped with a safety pin that was removed prior to placing the rocket into the tube. This was necessary as an armed rocket could be easily detonated by dropping it. A bazooka team consisted of two men, the gunner and his loader. Basic ammo load consisted of two bags that each held three rockets.

The new bazookas were soon aboard troop ships headed for North Africa. The new weapons was classified as Secret and given the code name of “The Whip”. Virtually none of the troops had seen, or even heard of this mystery weapon prior to loading. Initial training took place on the transports and was handicapped by a shortage of manuals and qualified instructors. In spite of this lack of training, the bazooka was used during the landings at Oran, Algiers and Casablanca. Stories quickly made the rounds of the foxholes, including one about a soldier firing a single rocket at a small coastal fort and forcing the surrender of its garrison. Other stories went the rounds about tanks exploding from a single hit or a turret being knocked completely off of a tank. Another, often repeated story was the surrender of ten German tanks after the commander witnessed a tree shattered by a bazooka rocket, which caused him to assume his command was under attack by 155mm artillery. How many of these stories are true will never be known with any degree of certainty, but the stories are impressive and raised the troop’s confidence in the new weapon.

Needless to say, serious problems began to appear soon after the M-1 saw combat. Malfunctions were common, particularly with the rocket. It spite of the stories circulating among the troops, the commanding general of the Army’s Armored Command in Tunisia noted that “…could not find anyone who could say definitely that a tank had been stopped by bazooka fire.”

In September of 1942, 600 bazookas were shipped to the British in Suez for use by the Eighth Army. After a demonstration, the British concluded that “…the weapon was not suitable for desert warfare, since the desert provided none of the concealment that the bazooka operator needed to hide him from small-arms fire until the tank came close enough for his rockets to be effective.” The bazookas were never issued and were place in storage.

The bazooka was demonstrated to Soviet observers in May of 1942. They immediately requested a large shipment. Little is known of the Soviet’s use of their bazookas, but it is known that the Germans captured several. They copied the design and increased the size of the rocket to 88mm, and the resulting weapon was known to the German troops as the “Panzerschreck.”

So severe was the malfunction problem, that the War Department suspended its issue in May of 1943 until an evaluation could be conducted and improvements made. The evaluation centered on the unreliability of the M-6 rocket. The contact wire taped to the outside of the rocket body was easy to damage. High temperatures affected the reliability of the motor, resulting in a premature explosion. The bazooka itself was criticized for the exposed contact box and the lack of any sort of shield to protect the gunner from unburned exhaust. A redesign of the rocket motor and a change in the composition of the propellant fuel fixed the rocket issue and protective gloves and face mask were issued for the gunner. Such problems were understandable in a weapon that was rushed into production without the normal testing process.

While the Ordnance Department tinkered with the design, the Army high command was demanding a return of production of the bazooka, taking the viewpoint that infantry with a bazooka was much better than infantry without a bazooka.

The improved bazooka was adopted in July 1943 as the M-1A1. The changes include replacing the contact box with two spring contacts. Eliminating the front hand grip. The center of the tube was reinforced with wire for some 20-inches in order to increase its strength. Finally a removable truncated conical wire flash screen was added to the front of the tube to protect the face of the gunner. The M-6 rocket was replaced by the M-6A1 rocket which replaced the outside contact wire with an internal contact wire. These changes eliminated the major problems of the bazooka and the weapon began to be issued in large numbers.

Although the improved M-1A1 solved many of the earlier problems, there were still issues that need to be corrected. The electrical firing system still had problems, especially in the Pacific Theater. Corrosion of the firing mechanism due to the constant dampness was an ongoing problem. A percussion firing system using a .410 gauge shotgun shell was tested, but eventually, electro-plating of key parts was implanted.

Perhaps the greatest drawback of the M-1 and M-1A1 bazookas was their 54-inch tube was cumbersome to carry through heavy undergrowth and was unsuitable for airborne operations. At the urging of the Airborne Command, the M-9 bazooka, a launcher that could broken down into two separate components was adopted for service in October of 1943. In addition, the battery firing system was replaced by a trigger-operated magneto, the wooden shoulder stock was replaced by a metal, two-position, shoulder rest and a safety switch was added. Troop trials showed that the coupling mechanism was not as sturdy as necessary and was further modified and entered service as the M-9A1. The rockets were further modified with reshaped ogives to lower the angle of effective impact and cylindrical fixed fins to increase stability in flight. The cones in the warhead were changed from copper to steel, which improved armor penetration by 30%. In addition, better waterproofing of the fuse assembly increased reliability under inclement conditions. This was adopted as the M-6A3.

The M-9/M-9A1 was much easier to carry as it could be disassembled into two sections, which could then be clipped together for carrying. The M-9/M-9A1 weighed 15.87lbs was 5 feet, 1 inch in length when assembled and 2 feet, 7.5 inches long when disassembled.

For much of its service life, the bazooka used crude metal sights, these did not allow for precise sighting and were prone to damage. An optical ring sight was designed for the M-9, but its construction required the use of optical calcite, which was in short supply. A marginally improved metal sight bar with a rear peep sight was designed and in service by January of 1944. In August of 1944, a much improved optical reflecting rear sight that did not use any scare materials was developed and entered service as the T-90 by September of 1944.

General Electric remained the primary producer of the bazooka for much of the war until June of 1944, when the small firm of Cheney Bigelow Wire Works of Springfield, Massachusetts was awarded a contract for M-9A1 launchers. By May of 1945, GE had produced some 450,000 bazookas (all variants) and Cheney Bigelow about 40,000 M-9A1s. Philco Corporation Metal Products Division had also manufactured a number of bazookas in WWII, but the exact number has never been confirmed.

The last major variant of the bazooka consisted of a tube constructed of aluminum that reduced the weight down to 10.88 pounds. This was later standardized as the M-18 and was slated to replace the M-9A1. GE was working on the initial order of 500 M-18s when the war with Japan ended.

The 2.36-inch bazooka M-1/M-1A1/M-9/M-9A1 saw widespread use throughout the war. While generally effective, it was not always equal to the tasks at hand. As an antitank weapon, it met with mixed success. It was relatively effective against the earlier German tanks and was normally devastating against the lighter Japanese tanks. As the Germans fielded tanks with heavier armor, the bazooka often proved inadequate. With the thicker armor protecting the front, sides and turret, the GIs had to attempt their engagement with shots at the rear of the tank, down through the thinner deck armor, or use the rocket to knock off a tread or otherwise disable a tank without destroying it. The bazooka was also used to engage enemy bunkers and other emplacements.

In spite of its problems, the bazooka was a very important infantry weapon for the U.S. military. It was arguably the best weapon of its type fielded in quantity by any nation with the exception of some of the German designs. Perhaps the greatest compliment to the bazooka was that paid by the Germans, who copied the design.

By October of 1944, it was recognized that the 2.36-inch rocket could not penetrate heavy armor, the development of a larger 3.5-inch rocket was stated and was standardized after the end of the war as the M-20. This version saw use in the Korean and Vietnam Wars and can still be found in service in many third world countries.

Perhaps the best description of the bazooka and its impact could be found in “There’s a War to be Won”:
“It (the bazooka) had its flaws and limitations, to be sure, but it was a remarkable weapon for all that. Skinner and Uhl had done what hardly seemed possible---they had put a man on an equal footing with a tank.”

Hand Grenades, Charpter Thirty Two
 

The War Department used five basic classifications of hand grenades, as follows:

1) Fragmentation: These contain an explosive charge within a metal body and are designed to break up into fragments intended to inflict casualties upon the action of the bursting charge. They have a killing range of 5 to 10 yards and stray fragments are dangerous up to 50 or more yards.

2) Offensive: These contain an explosive charge in a paper body and are designed for demolition effect and to stun the enemy in enclosed places, so that the thrower can charge while the enemy is in a dazed condition.

3) Chemical: These contain a chemical agent designed to produce a toxic or irritating effect, a casualty effect, a screening or signal smoke, an incendiary action or combinations of these.

4) Practice: These contain a reduced charge for safe use in training.

5) Training: These contain no explosive charge or chemical and are made for use in throwing practice.

Each type of grenade was designed for a specific purpose and therefore differed somewhat in configuration and appearance. The chief parts of the hand grenade are the fuse, the filler and the body. The most critical component of the grenade was the fuse. Most U.S. grenade fuses of WWII were of the automatic/timed type. This meant that the grenade was exploded after a specific lapse of time, not on impact, and that the fuse begin its timing process automatically as the grenade left the thrower’s hand.

American hand grenades had a safety lever that was secured by a safety pin. Once the pin was removed, the lever was held in place with the hand and when thrown, the lever was released. This caused an internal striker to set off the primer, which in turn, ignited the time fuse. After a pre-set period of time, the grenade exploded. The typical time delay used was from four to five seconds from the time the safety lever was released, although some specialized grenades used a much shorter time fuse.

There were two basic types of time fuses used in World War II hand grenades: the detonating fuse (which contained a small amount of explosive material that would set off the bursting charge) and the igniting fuse (which contained a burning compound that worked by igniting the buster charge).

Grenade, Hand, Fragmentation Mark II
The most widely used fragmentation grenade was the Mark II, an improved version of the Great War Mark I.

The Mark II weighed about 21 ounces and used a TNT filler. Since TNT was in short supply in the early days of the war, an explosive filler compound consisting of 25% nitrostarch, 34% ammonium nitrate and 40% sodium nitrate was used. As TNT production caught up with demand, this was substituted for the nitrostarch compound.

The standard fuse used was the M64A. This fuse was generally reliable, when used, it produced a flash, a report and some smoke and sparks, which allowed an alert enemy to spot the location of the thrower. The improved M204 fuse eliminated this problem and came into service in 1944, both types of fuse were used until the end of the war.

The body of the Mark II was made of cast iron with serrations designed to produce more lethal fragments upon detonation. The Mark II, due to its explosive filler was initially painted bright yellow (indicating a HE filler) which led to its nickname of “lemon”. Needless to say, it was soon realized that yellow could be far more easily spotted in combat and the change was made to a OD green with two narrow yellow bands (and the new nickname of “pineapple“). The range of the Mark II was dependent upon its thrower, but 35 to 40 yards was considered the maximum range. As the fragments could be dangerous out to 50 yards, the GI was trained to keep down until after their grenade had exploded. The time delay was from 4.0 to 4.8 seconds, but experienced GIs were soon cutting fuses down to 3.0 seconds.

While the Mark II outwardly resembled the Mark I, its performance was markedly increased due to the use of high explosive fillers. A typical Mark I would produce about 50 fragments, while the Mark II would produce about 1,000 fragments.

A later variant of the Mark II was the mark IIA1. This was similar to the Mark II, but used the improved M204 fuse. It differed from the Mark II in that it had one yellow band rather than two, in all other functions, it was identical to the Mark II.

Grenade, Hand, Offensive, Mark III
Designed to produce a concussive effect in enclosed spaces, the offensive grenade did not produce the cloud of fragments that the Mark II did.

The Mark III and Mark IIIA1 weighed about 14 ounces and was constructed of a pressed fiber body with sheet metal ends and was filled with TNT. It used the same types of fuses as did the Mark II/MkIIA1. The body was painted yellow with the type, model and lot numbers stenciled on the side in black ink.

Offensive grenades saw little use during WWII.

Grenade, Hand, Fragmentation, T-13
A little-known and seldom used grenade was the T-13 “Beano”. This baseball-shaped grenade was designed for use by the OSS. It was fitted with an in-flight arming fuse that was designed to arm itself after the grenade had traveled at least 25 feet; then grenade would then explode on impact. The sole producer of the Beano was the Eastman-Kodak Company. Performance of this grenade was very erratic and, like all impact grenades, was inherently dangerous to the user. It was reported (but not confirmed) that some T13 grenades were issued during the Normandy campaign.

Grenade, Hand, Incendiary, Frangible, M1
Another type of grenade that saw little use during WWII was the M-1 Frangible Grenade. This was essentially nothing more than a self-igniting version of the Molotov Cocktail. A glass bottle was filled with a mixture of gasoline and alcohol and a glass tube filled with chromic anhydride was attached to the outside of the bottle. When the bottle was thrown against an object, the bottle and tube would break and the gasoline would be ignited by the chemical reaction between the alcohol and the chromic anhydride. A latter version was the M-3 frangible grenade, which was improvised from any type of bottle. The problem with these grenades were that they were dangerous to produce, ship and store. They were discarded in 1943.

Grenade, Hand, Incendiary, AN-M14
Production of this grenade started in 1942 and sufficient supplies were on hand by 1943 to discontinue their production since relatively few of these were issued. Better known as the “Thermite Grenade” it was most often used for destroying enemy artillery pieces by igniting a grenade in the breech mechanism, which would fuse the breech block closed and render the piece inoperable.

The AN-M14 had a smooth sheet metal body and was painted blue-gray and had “TH INCENDIARY”, the lot number and one band stenciled in purple ink. The grenade weighed 32 ounces and was equipped with either the M200A1 or M200A2 igniting fuse with a 2.0 second time delay.

Grenade, Hand, White Phosphorus, M-15
While the chief purpose of the WP grenade was as a smoke producing agent, it also was used to inflict casualties on enemy soldiers. Burning phosphorus could only be extinguished by cutting off all oxygen to the pellets, producing severe burns.

The M15 was made of a smooth sheet metal body, with a filler of white phosphorus, in appearance it was very close to the AN-M14 grenade. The M15 weighed 31 ounces and used the M-6A3 detonating fuse with a 4.0-4.8 second delay. The grenade was painted blue-gray with “WP SMOKE”, and a single band in yellow on the body. Its burst radius was approximately 25 yards and it burned for 50-60 seconds.

Grenade, Hand, Colored Smoke, M-16
Grenade, Hand, Colored Smoke, M-18
The most widely issued type of signal munitions of World War II were the smoke hand grenades. Development of these munitions began in September of 1942 upon the request of Army Ground Forces as a means to identify troop positions. Chemical Warfare Service Engineers developed the prototypes from the M-7 chemical warfare grenade. It has been reported that CWS representatives contacted Hollywood special effects people to assist in this project due to their experience with the use of colored smoke in movies.

The first type was standardized in April of 1943 as the M16. This grenade was made in six colors: red, orange, violet, black, yellow and green. When ignited, it produced a cloud of smoke for about two minutes. While this grenade worked well, a thicker cloud of smoke was desired and an improved version was developed and adopted as the M-18. The M-18 gave off a more dense volume of smoke than did the M16, although its durations was only for about one minute. Eight colors were originally developed, but this was later changed to only four: red, green, yellow and violet. Both grenades had a smooth sheet metal cylindrical body with wither an M200A1 or M200A2 igniting fuse. They weighed about 17 ounces. The body was painted blue-gray and had the lot number, model and one band painted in yellow. The top of the grenade was painted to indicate the color of the smoke.

Grenade, Hand, Red Smoke, AN-M2
Grenade, Hand HC Smoke, AN-M8
This grenade was intended primarily for screening troops. It produced a large cloud of red smoke for about two and a half minutes. It was similar in appearance and function to the M-18, including the same type of body and igniting fuse. The AN-M2 was stenciled in yellow on the body “SMOKE RED”, the date of filling and one band.

Another type, which was used to produce a thick cloud of white smoke was the AN-M8. Externally similar to the AN-M2, it differed by the markings on the body “HC SMOKE” and lot number and one band stenciled in yellow.

Grenade, Hand, Gas, Irritant, CN-DM, M-6
Grenade, Hand, Gas Irritant, CS , M-7
One little known and seldom used grenade as the Gas, Irritant. This type is more commonly known as a tear gas grenade and its official function is simply listed as “harassment”. It is intended to incapacitate the enemy by strong irritating fumes. Two basic types were fielded in World War II. The first was the M-6, which had a smooth cylindrical sheet metal body and an M200A1 or M200A2 igniting fuse. It was filled with the chemical CN-DM which emitted noxious fumes for up to 60 seconds. It was painted blue-gray and had “CN-DM GAS” and a single band painted in red on the body.

The second grenade was the M-7 which was virtually identical to the M-6 except the filler was pure CS gas. It was marked on the body in red with “CS GAS: and a single red band.

Both grenades saw very limited service during the war in persuading reluctant enemy soldiers trapped in bunkers, caves or buildings to surrender. Most often, however, the enemy refused requests to surrender and fragmentation and white phosphorus grenades were used with much more permanent results.

Training and Practice Grenades
Since hand grenades are quite dangerous weapons to untrained users, much emphasis was placed on safe training techniques. Since the thought of a bunch of raw recruits on the range with live grenades was enough to turn even veteran drill instructors pale…training grenades were developed. These grenades were of the same configuration, size and weight as the service grenades, but replaced the high explosive fillers with a reduced charge of black powder and the iron filling plug was replaced by a cork plug that was easy to blow out. The resulting cloud of black powder allowed the thrower to simulate a grenade explosion at little risk to themselves. These grenades were painted blue to help distinguish them from service weapons.

Practice grenades were even simpler, being solid cast iron copies with, at most, a removable pin. Their solid construction allowed the training of green recruits with no fear of injury.

Rifle Grenades, Chapter Thirty Three
 

The United States Army ended the Great War with the French-designed V-B rifle grenade launcher as standard. The V-B utilized a cup type launcher fitted to the on the M-1903/M-1917 rifle. The V-B grenade had a hole through the middle which allowed the use of standard rifle ammunition. The bullet passed through the hole and the gas generated by firing propelled the grenade to a maximum range of 200 yards.

While the V-B launcher saw wide-spread use during World War One, there were problems. The loose fit between the launcher and the rifle often caused inaccuracy and loss of range. In addition, manufacturing errors sometimes resulted in V-B grenades with off-center holes and premature explosions could result.

The V-B launcher remained in U.S. service until 1924, when it was restricted to firing pyrotechnic shells and it was declared obsolete in 1928.

Work on a replacement for the V-B continued at a snail’s pace during the 1930s, mainly due to elements in the Army that disputed the need for a rifle grenade launcher. By 1940, the war raging in Europe confirmed the need to propel grenades for loner distances than hand throwing. Early experiments with the M-1 Garand resulted in numerous failures and the decision was made to design a grenade launcher for use with the service bolt-action rifles.

The M-1 Grenade Launcher/The M-2 Grenade Launcher
Adopted in 1941, the M-1 launcher was designed for the M-1903 rifle while the M-2 was designed for the M-1917 rifle. Both clamped to the end of the barrel by means of a clamp secured by a wing nut. The tube was about 7.25-inches long and weighed 9 ounces. The tube had a series of raised rings on the outside surface which were used in conjunction with the angle of elevation to determine range. With a grenade in place on the tube, the greater number of rings exposed, the shorter the range. A special grenade cartridge was used to fire the grenade. Both launchers could be easily removed and then allow the firing of normal ball ammunition.

The initial production concentrated on the M-2 launcher due to the decision to transfer large numbers of the M-1917 rifle to the United Kingdom as part of Lend-Lease (some 31,980 prior to December 1941). With the entry of the U.S. into the war on December 8, 1941, the War Department ordered a switch in production to the M-1 launcher. Production of some 63,360 in January 1942 and another 55,040 in February met the U.S. Army’s foreseeable needs and production was shifted back to the M-2 launcher. The last of the M-2s rolled off the production line in July 1942 with some 112,327 completed. Production shifted back the M-1 launcher until May of 1943, when some 322,892 were completed (and a further 39,793 M-2 were converted into M-1s).

In U.S. service, the M-2 was mostly used for training and practice. The M-2 was declared obsolete of in September 1944.

The M-1 Launcher remained in service throughout the war for two reasons: first the M-1 Garand Rifle was in short supply prior to mid-to-late 1943, so the M-1903 was often the only rifle available to many troops. Secondly, the problems encountered with developing a satisfactory grenade launcher for the Garand was never solved during the war. A launcher was eventually adopted, but the rifle could not fire service ammunition with the launcher fitted. Even when production of the Garand caught up to demand, many soldiers preferred the M-1903/M-1.

The M-7 Grenade Launcher
While the M-1 and M-2 Launchers were in production, development was underway for a launcher that could be used with the semiautomatic M-1 Garand rifle. A number of developmental models were tested before the T14 was standardized as the M-7 in February, 1843. The M-7 clamped the M-1 rifle’s bayonet lug by a hinged clamp and had a stud that fitted into the rifle’s gas cylinder valve screw to hold it open and vent excess gas. This prevented the M-1 rifle from operating in the normal semiautomatic mode with the grenade launcher attached. A special type of valve screw was issued with each M-7 along with an instruction sheet. The original type of screw (B147851) remained open after the launcher was removed and closed after a live round was fired. A improved version (B7310079) was adopted in January 1945 which closed immediately upon the launcher being removed from the rifle. The special valve screw was necessary in order to “bleed off” the excess gas generated by the grenade launching cartridge that would otherwise wither blown up or otherwise seriously damaged the rifle.

Total production of the M-7 came to be some 795,699 by August 1945.

The M-7 worked reasonably well, but had the unpopular handicap of not allowing the M-1 rifle to fire in the semiautomatic mode with the launcher attached. Since the soldier would not want to keep the launcher attached to his rifle any longer than necessary, they typical employment method became to fire the grenade and then quickly remove the launcher so that the rifle could be fired immediately. This led to large numbers of the M-7 being dropped in the heat of battle and not being retrieved later. The high production numbers reflect as the War Department tried to keep up with combat losses.

An improved M-7A1 launcher was developed in July of 1945. This was functionally similar to the M-7 but had the advantage of allowing the M-1 rifle to fire normally while the launcher was in place. A total of 72,000 were produced by August 1945, but were never issued.

M-8 Grenade Launcher
While work was underway on the M-7 launcher for the M-1 rifle, a launcher was being developed for use with the M-1 carbine. While the carbine was never intended for use with a grenade launcher, the problems with the M-1 rifle’s launcher gave urgency to the development of one for the carbine.

The carbine’s gas system actually made the design of a suitable grenade launcher much easier than for the Garand. A launcher, very similar to the M-1 and M-2 launchers that clamped to the end of the barrel (and held in place by a wing nut) was developed. Since the venting of excess gas was not necessary, the carbine could function in the semiautomatic mode with the launcher in place.

The carbine grenade launcher was standardized as the M-8 in February of 1943. A total of 385,165 were produced by August 1945. While the M-8 proved to be popular with the troops, the M-1 carbine had never been intended to withstand the stresses of firing a rifle grenade, split or broken stocks were common. The M-1A1 carbine could only be used to fire a rifle grenade by folding the stock, pointing the pistol grip upwards, with the rear of the stock firmly on the ground, even doing this still left a chance of the stock being bent under the force of firing.

Grenade Launching Ammunition
In order to launch rifle grenades, special ammunition was needed that could develop sufficient gasses to propel the rifle grenade. Grenade launcher ammunition looked somewhat like blank ammunition, but could be identified by their crimped necks.

Cartridge, Rifle Grenade, Caliber .30, M-3
The M-1, M-2 and M-7 launchers utilized the M-3 grenade cartridge to launch rifle grenades. The M-3 was loaded with five grains of very fine black powder and 40 grains of smokeless powder. This load could propel the standard M-9A1 antitank grenade with a velocity of 180 feet per second. The M-3 cartridge was issued in ten round cartons.

Cartridge, Rifle Grenade, Carbine, Caliber .30, M-6
The carbine’s M-8 launcher was used with the M-6 grenade launching cartridge. This round was loaded with one grain of 60mm mortar ignition powder and 20 grains of smokeless powder. This could propel the M-1 grenade adapter at a velocity of 145 feet per second. The M-6 cartridge was packed in cartons holding six rounds.

Cartridge, Grenade, Auxiliary, M-7
In order to increase the range of a rifle grenade, a auxiliary cartridge was developed. This small cartridge could be inserted into the grenade launcher tube prior to placing a grenade on it and was ignited by the firing of the grenade cartridge. The use of the M-7 increased the velocity of the grenade by 40-90 feet per second and increased the range by 60-100 yards. Since the use of M-7 markedly increased the recoil, its use in the carbine was restricted to emergencies only. The M-7 quickly gained the nickname of “the vitamin pill”.

Rifle Grenades
There were two basic types of rifle grenades. The first consisted of adapters that held a standard hand grenade. The second consisted of grenades specifically designed as rifle grenades.

M-1 and M-1A1 Grenade Projection Adapters
The M-1 Grenade Projection Adapter was designed to hold a standard Mark II fragmentation hand grenade. It secured the grenade by means of four retaining claws that grasped the grenade’s serrations. One of the claws also mounted a metal arming clip into which the grenade’s safety lever was fitted and held in place (the M-1A1 was similar, but used only three claws). Both adapters were about seven inches in length.

The adapters were simple and effective in their use. The Mark II grenade was inserted into the adapter and the safety lever inserted into the arming clip. The grenade’s safety pin was pulled (but the arming clip held the safety lever securely in place). When the grenade was fired from the launcher, the arming clip was sheared away, thus releasing the safety lever. The timing fuse then exploded the grenade. By using the adapter, the Mark II could be used to inflict enemy casualties by effective air bursts.

Due to the heavy recoil generated by the rifle grenade and the fact that a curved trajectory was usually the most effective, the butt of the rifle was placed on the ground for firing. Regulations called for the rifle grenade to be launched with “…the butt turned sideways to avoid stock breakage.”

The M-1 and M-1A1 adapters saw much use during the war. With practice, a soldier could fire fragmentation grenades with surprising accuracy for a distance of almost 200 yards.

Chemical Grenade Adapter, M-2 and M-2A1
Similar in use to the M-1 and M-1A1, the M-2 adapters were used to fire the colored smoke, offensive and white phosphorous grenades. Both the M-2 and M-2A1 were fitted with three claws and a retaining band, they differed only in the fin assembly fitted.

Functionally, they were used in the same manner as the M-1/M-aA1 adapters.

M-17 Impact Fragmentation Rifle Grenade
The only other type of fragmentation grenade launched from grenade launchers was the M-17. This consisted of a fragmentation grenade similar to the Mark II, but fitted with an impact fuse. The M-17 was designed strictly as a rifle grenade . Due to the inherent dangers of an impact use, few were made and issued.

M-9 and M-9A1 Antitank Rifle Grenade
The M-9 was issued in the early days of the war and was quickly replaced by the M-9A1. The M-9A1 had a sheet metal body and nose that contained a shaped charge similar to that used in the bazooka. The grenade was fitted with an impact fuse and had a safety pin that had to be removed prior to firing. The M-9A1 could penetrate between 3-4 inches of armor. It weighed 1.31 pounds and had a maximum effective range of 250 yards.

The M-9A1 was a simple and effective weapons. The grenade would be fitted onto the launcher at the desired range increment. A safety fin would be removed prior to firing. Unlike the frag and chemical grenades, it was necessary to fire the M-9A1 using a flat trajectory. This meant that the soldier would have to fire the weapon from the shoulder rather than placing the butt on the ground to absorb the heavy recoil.

M-19 White Phosphorus Rifle Grenade
Similar in appearance to the M-9A1, the M-19 had a filler of white phosphorus. Upon impact, it would scatter WP pellets over an area of about 10 yards, igniting spontaneously and giving off a dense white smoke as well as inflicting casualties.

M-22 Colored Smoke Rifle Grenade
The standard colored smoke grenade of World War II. Produced in four colors: red, green, violet and yellow. Fitted with an impact fuse. The M-22 was used for signaling as well as marking targets.

M-23 Colored Smoke Rifle Grenade
Once fired, the M-23 would ignite, leaving a streamer of smoke that lasted roughly 12 seconds, this continuous stream of smoke would burn throughout its 250 yard range. Produced in the same four colors as the M-23.

M-20 HC Smoke Rifle Grenade
Identical to the M-22 grenade in appearance, the chief difference was that the M-20 would produce a cloud of white smoke for about 30 seconds upon impact. As with the An-M8 HC Smoke grenade, the purpose of the M-20 was to conceal troop movements.

M-17A1 Ground Signal, White Star, Parachute Rifle Grenade
M-18A1 Ground Signal, Green Star, Parachute Rifle Grenade
M-21A1Ground Signal, Amber Star, Parachute Rifle Grenade
M-15A1 Ground Signal, Red Star, Parachute Rifle Grenade
This series contained a parachute flare that separated from the case at about 400 feet in the air. It would burn for about 30 seconds and was used for illumination purposes as well as signaling

M-8A1 Ground Signal, White Star, Cluster Rifle Grenade
M-20A1 Ground Signal, Green Star, Cluster Rifle Grenade
M-22A1 Ground Signal, Amber Star, Cluster Rifle Grenade
M-52A1 Ground Signal, Red Star, Cluster Rifle Grenade
This series was used in the same manner as the parachute flares, but contained five pyrotechnic stars that were ejected from the case at about 400 feet and burned for five seconds.

Grenade Launching Sights
Sight, Rifle, Grenade Launcher M-1
In order to improve the accuracy of rifle grenades, several types of auxiliary sights were tested during the war. The first to be standardized was the M-1 sight, designed for use with the M1903 and M1917 service rifles. This was a rather crude sight constructed of two stamped sheet metal front and rear sights that were aligned to achieve the required angle of elevation. The two sight components were fastened to the rifle by springs and attached together by a wire spacer.

The M-1 sight saw very limited use early in the war and proved to be unsatisfactory. It was soon dropped from use.

Sight, Rifle Grenade, M-15
With the failure of the M-1 sight, several other sights were tested with varying degrees of success. The best design was the T59E3, which featured a sighting bar with a leveling bubble and a front post and rear peep sight. The T95E3 could be used with the M1903 and M1 rifles and M1 carbine. A mounting plate was installed on the weapon’s stock by two screws. The sight assembly was attached to the mounting plate and could be elevated or depressed from zero to sixty degrees. The T95E3 was standardized as the M-15 in March of 1944 and some 20,000 were produced.

The M-15 could be used to launch antitank rifle grenades with the peep sight and fragmentation and smoke grenades with the bubble sight.

Recoil Boot
The last item used with grenade launchers was a black rubber recoil boot. The boot slipped onto the butt of the rifle and contained a thick rubber pad. It could be used with the service rifles, but could not fit the carbine stock. It was designed to help cushion the heavy recoil of the rifle grenade when fired from the shoulder. It also lessened the chances of the stock breaking when the butt of the rifle was placed on the ground.

Mortars, Part One
 

Mortars filled the gap between grenades and artillery. They were used to provide fire support when artillery either wasn’t available or couldn’t be moved up fast enough to support rapidly moving troop advances. As the Ordnance Chief remarked “Comparing weight of material to ammunition delivered on the target, mortars are the most efficient of weapons.”

Often called “The Infantryman’s Artillery”, the mortars of World War Two were basically improved models of the Great War mortars. They were used to provide short range, high-angle trajectory fire in direct support of the infantry.

The basic form of the mortar was designed by Sir Frederick Wilfrid Scott Stokes during World War One. The Stokes Mortar consisted of a smooth bore tube with a fixed firing pin at the bottom of the tube. The tube was fitted into a metal plate that rested on the ground and absorbed the recoil force. The front of the tube was supported by a bipod that was adjustable for elevation and traverse. The Stokes was not fitted with a sight, but was lined up on target by sighting along a white line drawn the length of the tube.

The Stokes weighed in at 110 pounds in the firing position and could be broken down into three loads for carrying: the tube (43 pounds), the bipod (37 pounds) and the base plate (30 pounds).

The mortar bomb used was a simple metal cylinder containing an explosive chare of two pounds of TNT. The entire shell weighed 12 pounds. The Stokes was fired by means of a shotgun-like cartridge that was inserted into the base of the shell and exploded upon impact with the fixed firing pin at the base of the tube. The range was determined by placing a number of small rings (made of silk bags) of explosive propellant (ballistae) around the cartridge container. The more ballistae rings used, the further the range.

With the end of the Great War, an evaluation of the combat use of the Stokes determined that there were two serious deficiencies: lack of range and accuracy, Both of these problems were due, in part, to the firing of a projectile without stabilizing fins from a smooth bore tube. The lack of an effective sight also had a negative bearing on the accuracy of the Stokes.

In the Great War Edgar William Brandt committed his French-based firm to the development of an improved Stokes mortar. Brandt recognized that the basic Stokes was a sound design and he concentrated on improving the unsatisfactory ammunition. He developed a mortar bomb with a streamlined shape and stabilizing fins that proved to be very accurate at ranges from 200 yards to 3,350 yards. In place of the silk bags of the Stokes shell, Brandt introduced celluloid packets or strips, which clipped to the bomb’s fins.

In 1927, the Stokes-Brandt Mortar, Model 1927 was introduced. This 81mm mortar was very similar to the Great War Stokes, but was provided with a collimator-style sight and a spring buffer to reduce the stress of firing on the bipod and sight. The Model 1927 continued to be refined and four were purchased by the United States for testing in 1931. These were designated the Stokes-Brandt Mortar, 81mm, T4. The T4 differed from the M1927 by having a improved bipod, sight and base plate.

While the T4 was undergoing firing trails, the Stokes mortar was redesignated as the Mortar, Trench, 3-inch, Mark I and Mark IA2. Several Stokes mortars saw service in the early days of World War Two (in the Philippines).

In the late 1930s, the United States purchased manufacturing rights from the Brandt Company and standardized the T4 mortar as the 81mm Mortar, M1 with Mount M1. The M1 weighed 136 pounds in its firing position and be broken down into three basic components for transport: the tube (44.5 pounds), the bipod/sight (46.5 pounds) and the base plate (45 pounds).

The M1 81mm mortar was very similar to the older 3-inch Stokes mortar, but had the following differences.
1) The tube was of heavier construction so as to better withstand the higher pressures generated by modern ammunition. The tube was also machined to finer tolerances than was the Stokes mortar.
2) A cross-leveling mechanism was attached to the left leg of the bipod.
3) The clamp that attached the bipod to the barrel was easily adjusted to four different positions.
4) The improved base plate consisted of a pressed steel body with welded braces, flanges and two carrying handles. A socket was welded onto the base plate which had three positions for the spherical end of the mortar tube’s base plate.
5) The M1 mortar was fitted with a greatly improved sight, which included a collimator, elevating and deflection mechanism and longitudinal and cross levels.

The M1’s range varied depending on the type of shell used, with a minimum range of 100-300 yards and a maximum range of 3,290 yards. The sustained rate of fire was 18 rounds per minute, but as many as 30-35 bombs per minute could be fired for short periods of time.

The 81mm mortar could be readily transported by three men, although it was normally transported in a jeep or weapons carrier in the infantry divisions. A number of half-tracks were converted to carry the 81mm mortar and was issued to the armored divisions.

81mm Mortar Ammunition
The M1 was a versatile mortar that could easily fire several types of ammunition.

M43A1 Light HE Bomb
This was the lightest of the 81mm mortar bombs, weighing 6.87 pounds and having a minimum range of 100 yards, and a maximum range of 3,290 yards. Eighty percent of its fragments covered a radius of about 25 yards, which compared favorably with the 75mm howitzer. The M43A1 was fitted with an fast detonating fuse so that the bomb would explode on the surface of the ground.

M45 and M45A1 Heavy HE Bomb
These were the heavier bombs used with the 81mm mortar, weighing 10.62 pounds. The maximum range was 2,558 yards. These bombs had a bursting radius comparable to that of the 105mm howitzer. These bombs were fitted with a delay fuse so that some penetration was possible for demolition use.

M56 Heavy HE Bomb
The heaviest of the 81mm mortar bombs, weighing in at 15.01 pounds. Its maximum range was only 1,300 yards. It was equipped with a fuse that could be adjusted for either super quick or delay operation.

M57 White Phosphorus Bomb
M57 FS Smoke Bomb
M57 HS Persistent Gas Bomb
Both types of smoke bombs weighed about 10.75 pounds and had a maximum range of 2,470 yards. They were intended to lay down covering smoke “in order to hinder enemy observation, either to reduce the effectiveness of hostile fire or to conceal the movements of friendly troops.” The WP bomb also had antipersonnel applications. The Gas bomb was loaded with a irritant tear gas filler, it was seldom used.

M301 Illuminating Bomb
This contained an illuminating compound that burned at 275,000 candlepower for about 60 seconds and had a range of 2,200 yards. The projectile was attached to a parachute which slowed its descent and increased its effectiveness. The M301 had a fuse that could be adjusted with a delay of 5 to 25 seconds after firing.

U.S. mortar bombs were issued assembled as complete rounds with the maximum number of powder increments attached. These were removed as necessary to achieve the desired range. While the system worked well, in general, problems were encountered with the exposed powder increments, particular in the humid climate of the Pacific. When the increments became damp, the range was severely reduced and rounds often fell short, with sometimes fatal results for friendly troops. The solution that was adopted during the war was to order the mortar crews to disposal of any increments that had been darkened by moisture.

The Quartermaster Unit of Fire issue for a single 81mm mortar was 275 rounds. This often proved to be very inadequate, with many reports of the entire daily quota of bombs being expended in as little as an hour. Stocks of 81mm mortar bombs could often run short and emergency resupply would be flown in by air transport. It is interesting that the Japanese and Germans used similar Stokes-Brandt 81mm mortars. There are numerous accounts of U.S. troops using captured enemy mortar bombs in their M1 mortars.

The usefulness of the M1 was simply stated in numerous Army and Marine reports, which referred to it as “the infantry’s artillery.”

Mortars, Part Two
 

60mm M-2 Mortar
While the 81mm mortar was undergoing its evaluations in the 1930s, the two major branches of the Army, the Infantry and the Cavalry, considered it to be a very good weapon. However, both branches believed that many missions would not require such a large and heavy weapon and requested a smaller and lighter version of the mortar.

A weapon for use between the effective ranges of the rifle grenade and the 81mm mortar was desired. The Ordnance Department requested that the Brandt Company produce a 42mm mortar for testing, Brandt provided a 47mm model for demonstration. During its tests, it was determined that the weapon was not powerful enough. Consequently, the Ordnance Department acquired eight 60mm mortars from Brandt, which underwent extensive testing.

In February of 1938, the 60mm mortar was adopted as the M2 Mortar. An initial order of 1,500 60mm mortars were place in January of 1940. As requirements for the 60mm increased, some 30,000 were produced by early 1944. As the fighting increased that year, additional orders for an additional 24,250 mortars were placed.

The 60mm M2 mortar was very similar in appearance and construction to the M1 81mm mortar, other than the obvious differences in weight and size. The method of operation was identical. The M2 weighed 42 pounds in the firing position. The overall length was 28.6 inches. Like the M1 mortar, the M2 could be broke down into three pieces: tube (12.8 pounds), bipod and sight (16.4 pounds) and base plate (12.8 pounds).

The initial M2 bipod was replaced by the improved M5 bipod which had an improved traversing and shock absorbing mechanism, as well as a better barrel lock.

The M2 used the same M4 sight as the M1 mortar. The 60mm mortar had a sustained rate of fire of 18 rounds per minute, but could be fired for short periods of time at 30-35 rounds per minute.

There were several attempts during the war to develop an lighter version of the M2 mortar, and while examples such as the M19 saw limited service in the Pacific, the M2 proved itself to be much more accurate and deadly to the enemy.

60mm Mortar Ammunition
The M2 mortar used three types of shells:

M49A2 HE Bomb
This shell weighed 3.07 pounds and had a maximum range of 2,017 yards, although its accuracy was reduced at ranges beyond 1,000 yards.

M302 WP Bomb
This round weighed 4.02 pounds, with a maximum range of 1,100 yards and was used, as with other WP ammunition, to create smoke screens and inflict casualties.

M83 Illumination Bomb
This bomb weighed 3.7 pounds and had a range of 1,000 yards. It would burst at about 800 feet and illuminate the area with 145,000 candlepower for about 25 seconds.

Mortars, Part Three
 

4.2-inch Chemical Mortar
The Chemical Warfare Service adopted the M-1 4.2-inch Mortar in 1928. This rifled weapon could drop gas shells at an effective range of 2,000 yards. Limited numbers were procured and its manufacture was suspended in 1935.

With the entrance of the U.S. into the war, the War Department authorized the formation of two chemical mortar battalions. The original M1 was slightly redesigned to increase its effective range to 2,400 yards and was standardized as the M-1A1 chemical mortar. Further testing revealed that if the powder charge was increased by 50%, the mortar’s range could be extended to 3,200 yards. However, the tubes of the M1 and M1A1 could not safely handle the increased pressure and a stronger tube and base plate were adopted. This was designated as the M2. Both the M1A1 and M2 would see service throughout the war.

During the M2s development, it became apparent that the M2 was capable of more than firing gas and smoke shells. The CWS requested permission to develop a HE bomb. In spite of heavy opposition by infantry officers “who felt that the functions of the CWS was confined to gas masks, gas weapons and smelly clothing…”, the CWS got permission to develop the HE bomb. The testing of the new bomb so impressed the review board, that all opposition was overcome and permission to employ the chemical mortar with a HE bomb was forthcoming.

The 4.2-inch mortar first saw combat during the Sicily Campaign were its barrages with the new HE shell were impressive. The weapon saw use in the European and Pacific theaters and by war’s end, some 41,452 4.2-inch chemical mortars had been procured.

4.2-inch Chemical Mortar Ammunition
The chemical mortar used two types of HE shells during the war. The M3 HE Bomb weighed 24.5 pounds and the M4 HE bomb weighed 32 pounds. The various types of chemical and gas bombs weighed between 24.25 pounds and 25.5 pounds. These included WP and several types of irritant and screening gases.

While the 4.2-inch was useful in supporting the infantry, it was not as versatile as the 81mm and 60mm mortars. Ready for firing, the M2 weighed 333 pounds. Like the smaller mortars, the “four-deuce” could be broken down into three loads: tube (105 pounds); bipod and sight (53 pounds) and base plate (175 pounds)---each too heavy to be carried by one man for any distance. The 4.2-inch was most often carried by either a jeep-towed trailer or by a weapons carrier.

During the latter stages of the war, efforts were made to develop larger mortars. Two models, the 105mm T13 and the 155mm T25 saw what could only be described as "in the field test firing" during the Philippines Campaign. While they did deliver impressive amounts of firepower (the 105mm HE bomb weighed in at 26 pounds, with an effective range of 2000 yards. And the 155mm HE bomb weighed 60 pounds, with an effective range of 2500 yards), the sheer weight of the weapons preculuded their use. A review of records shows that the two models fired less than 3,000 rounds, before V-J Day.

It's my understanding that a few battalions of 4.2" mortars were used in the early waves of most amphibious landings in the ETO and MTO. They were portable enough to be gotten to the beach on LCVP, and had the firepower and range to be effective while firing from just off the beach.

Having said that, I can come up with zero sources for this assertion at this moment....

The best source for the Normandy landings is "Spearheading D-Day, American Special Units in Normandy" from Histoire & Collections (THANK GAWD! For re-enactors!!!!)

"Much less space was needed to transport the 4.2-inch mortar units than a regular artillery battalion, so a chemical mortar battalion were assigned to the early waves. The mortars would be pulled ashore on small wheeled carts and would be able to be placed into action upon reaching dry land. On Omaha Beach, a major problem was that these powerful mortars needed a minimum range of 550 yards and in some places, the Germans were not pushed back that far until later in the day."

"The 81st Chemical Mortar Battalion was assigned to support the Omaha Beach landings, with A and C companies attached to the 16th Infantry Regiment and B and D companies to the 116th Infantry. The original plans called for the mortars to be landed with the 2nd waves. Due to the confusion on the beach, A and D companies were not landed unitl H+50, B company at H+90 and C company at H+9 hours."

"B Company was mis-landed on Beach Easy Green at about 0930 hours. The company managed to move inland through a uncleared minefield and set up their firing positions. It was not until 1700 hours that they were able to fire thier first fire mission of the day."

"Much of the 81st's equipment was lost during the landings and the troops had to man-carry the mortars and ammunition inland."

"The 87th Chemical Mortar Battalion was assigned to Utah Beach. A company was attached to the 1/8th Infantry, B company to the 2/8th Inf, C company to the 3/8th Inf and D company to the 3/22nd Inf. During the landing, two mortars and two jeeps were lost when an LCVP was sunk, but no personnel drowned."

"A and B companies were landed at H+5- and set up firing positions just behind the sand dunes. They quickly fired some 100 rounds before moving further inland 40 minutes later. C and D companies also landed and set up within the sand dunes, before firing some 40 additional rounds before moving inland."

Hope this helps!

Recoilless Rifles
 

For the United States Army, the recoilless rifle did not enter service until the last year of the war. Development of the recoilless rifle started in early 1943 when the Ordnance Department stated researching the recoilless principle. The first pilot model was ready for testing on July 27, 1943. The results of these initial tests led to several modifications and improvements to the prototype. In October of 1943, was designated as the “Rifle, Recoilless,
57mm, T15E1” and went into extensive trails at Aberdeen Proving Grounds that November.

The T15E1 had its trigger and sear enclosed in metal housings. Further testing resulted in the replacement of this method by a firing mechanism connected by wire cables, this variant was standardized as the M-18. The
57mm recoilless rifle was deemed a high priority weapon and was rushed into production.

The M-18 weighed 45 pounds and was just over five feet in length. It could be fired from the shoulder (from an attached monopod/bipod assemble) or from the M-1917A1 .30-caliber machine gun tripod. The M-26 sight was standardized for use with the M-18.

Due to a lack of suitable manufacturing facilities at the time, the first M-18s were built by the Canadian firm of Dominion Engineering Works.

The M-18 fired three basic types of ammunition; these were a HE round that weighed 5.3 pounds and had a range of 4,340 yards; a antitank round (HEAT) that weighed 5.64 pounds with a range of 4,300 yards; and a smoke round that weighed 5.66 pounds, with a range of 4,340 yards.

Due to the problems with the 2.36-inch bazooka’s lack of power in certain situations, a rush shipment of the first 50 M-18s was sent to the European Theater of Operations in March of 1945. The first units to receive the new weapon were the airborne divisions, who loved the light weight and capabilities of the new weapon.

On May 19,1945, a Tenth Army demonstration team arrived on Okinawa after the initial invasion, with two M-18s.

The M-18 recoilless rifle was often packed for parachute delivery in the M-10 Paracrate which contained an M-18 and 14 rounds of ammunition. The M-12 Paracrate was also dropped, which contained an M-1917A1 tripod and additional 14 rounds of ammunition.

A total of 951 57mm recoilless rifles were delivered by the time production stopped in the summer of 1945.

After World War II, the introduction of the 3.5-inch bazooka brought about the end of the M-18s service with the U.S. Army, by the early 1950s the
M-18 was declared Obsolete and was transferred to military aid programs.

The success of the 57mm M-18 proved the validity of the basic design and work began on a larger and more powerful version. In March of 1944, the Ordnance Department began the design work on a 75mm recoilless rifle. The first pilot model was completed and started its test program in September of 1944.

The initial version was designated as the T21. As the testing program progressed, redesigns of the breech were made and this improved variant was standardized as the M-20.

Initial production of the M-20 started in March of 1945 by the Miller Printing Machine Company of Pittsburgh Pennsylvania.

The M-20 weighed 114.5 pounds and was 6 feet, 10 inches in length. The weight prevented the weapon from being fired from the shoulder and the M-20 was designed to be fired from the M-1917A1 tripod.

As with the M-18, the M-20 fired three types of ammunition; the HE round weighed 21.86 pounds and had a range of 7,000 yards; the antitank round (HEAT) weighed 20.54 pounds and had a range of 7,000 yards; the white phosphorus round weighed 22.61 pounds and had a range of 7,200 yards.

While the M-18 performed admirably, it was essentially used as a replacement for the bazooka. The M-20 represented what was considered to be a new class of weapon. It’s accuracy and power was favorably commented on by the infantrymen who had the chance to use the weapon.

One officer of the First Allied Airborne Army in the ETO stated the following:

“Its effective range for direct fire is the limit of visibility. The gun is as accurate as an M1 rifle and a tank can be hit in any desired spot.”

The M-20’s use was not limited to the ETO, as it was used with great effectiveness in the fighting on Okinawa. The same Tenth Army demonstration team deployed with two M-20s as well as two M-18s and used the weapons with great effectiveness. However, its limited numbers led the Ordnance Department to acknowledged that the recoilless rifle did not have any great impact on the outcome of the campaign.

The success of the recoilless rifles saw extensive plans for their deployment for the invasion of Japan.

A total of 1,238 M-20s were produced by the end of the war.

Unlike the M-18, the M-20 saw extensive in the United States Army until well after the Korean War.

Flame Throwers
 

The use of fire as a weapon dates back to antiquity, but the genesis of the modern portable flame thrower was with the Imperial German Army in the first decade of the twentieth century. The first use of the flame thrower was against French troops at Malencourt in World War One. While the weapon proved terrifying to the French troops, its impact was limited due to reliability problems. The French and British armies rushed to develop their own versions of the flame thrower to counter the German threat. By 1916, both Allied nations had fielded their own versions, but like the Germans, they proved to be unreliable, vulnerable and only useful at very short range.

The United States Army did not field any flame throwers during the First World War and only limited research and development was carried out on such weapons after the Armistice. The R&D program took place under the auspices of the Army’s Chemical Warfare Service. Due to the unfavorable reputation of the weapon at the time, it was often joked that “the Chemical Warfare Service has acquired the habit for a long time of not mentioning the flame thrower at all, unless questions were asked about it.”

While the United States continued its lack of interest, other nations continued to develop flame throwers throughout the 1920s and 1930s. Tank-mount flame throwers were used by the Italians during the Abyssinian War (1935-1936) as well as German versions in the Spanish Civil War in 1937. During the opening days of World War Two, the Germans made use of flame throwers in Poland, Belgium and France.

The effective use of flame throwers as combat weapons was not lost on the U.S. Army and the Chemical Warfare Service was ordered on August 12, 1940 to accelerate its development of a flame thrower for the troops. Much of this developmental work was carried out at the Edgewood Arsenal, adjacent to the Aberdeen Proving Grounds.

The first experimental model was the E1 with the first few pilot models used for testing in the fall of 1940. The weapon had four basic components; a storage system for the fuel; a storage system for compressed gas to propel the fuel; a flame gun and an ignition system. The fuel supply consisted of five gallons of diesel oil, fuel oil or a blend of gasoline and oil. The gas system contained pressurized nitrogen. Both the fuel system and gas system were contained in a single vertical cylinder that held the fuel in one compartment and the gas in a second. A trigger mechanism released the fuel that was propelled by the gas and was ignited by an electrical spark supplied by a battery. The weapon weighed 70 pounds when fully loaded and had a rage from 14 to 21 yards.

Testing revealed that the E1 was cumbersome, heavy and unreliable. The engineers went back to work and the improved E1R1 was tested in March of 1941. The fuel and gas supplies were now in separate tanks as well as being fitted with improved values and a refined electrical system. It weighed 32 pounds empty and 57 pounds fully loaded.

In spite of its marked improvement, the E1R1 was still not a satisfactory weapon. Its range was still limited to between 15-20 yards and its time of use was only some 15-30 seconds. It was uncomfortable to carry and the values could not be easily reached by the operator. But the E1R1 was the only flame thrower in service by December, 1941. At the time of the attack on Pearl Harbor, only 12 E1R1s were on hand.

The first recorded use of a E1R1 took place on December 8, 1942 at Buna Village, Papua. Its user had crawled through the underbrush to a spot some thirty feet from a Japanese emplacement. He fired his flame thrower only to watch a dribble of burning oil land some 15 feet in front of him. Twice more he tried to hit the emplacement, only to watch the flame fall to carry the full distance. Finally, a Japanese bullet glanced off the operator’s helmet, knocking him unconscious.

Hardly an auspicious beginning.

The Chemical Warfare Service continued to push development of a flame thrower and an improved E1R1 was standardized as the M-1 in August of 1941 with series production starting in March of 1942. By the end of year, the M-1 was appearing in the South Pacific. First combat use was on January 15, 1943 on Guadalcanal.

The M-1 was an improvement over the E1R1, but there were still a number of problems with the weapon. As one Chemical Warfare Service document explained:
“One example just received from the States, would function properly and spurt a jet of flame the customary fifteen yards, but its twin might eject a harmless stream of non-burning oil a distance of five yards. Batteries in the ignition circuit deteriorated rapidly in the hot, humid climate; inadequate waterproofing allowed moisture to corrode parts and to short-circuit the electrical system; minute rust holes in the tanks allowed compressed gas to escape and the pressure to drop. Chemical Maintenance Companies had their hands full inspecting, testing, repairing and servicing flame throwers to keep them in proper working order for the troops.”

Needless to say, the GI’s and Marines disliked and distrusted the M-1.

Work continued to increase the effective range of the flame thrower. The Chemical Warfare Service developed napalm as a thickening agent added to gasoline for use in incendiary bombs. Experimentation revealed that the use of a napalm-thickened gasoline mixture in a flame thrower greatly increased its range and lethality. As stated in a CWS report:
“…ordinary gasoline broke into a spray after it left the nozzle of the flame gun and burned itself out in a billow of fire while thickened fuel flew through the air in a compact stream that would ricochet into portholes and stick to flat surfaces.”

However, the new thickened fuel mixture would not work in the M-1. Engineers rushed a series of changes that would allow the M-1 to use the new mixture.

Most of these changes consisted of modifications to the fuel system, including the valves and pressure regulator. The flame gun was also modified to permit operation at the higher pressure required by the use of napalm. The waterproofing of the flame thrower was also improved.

The new weapon was standardized in late 1942 as the M-1A1. Externally, both the M-1 and M-1A1 were virtually identical, but the M-1A1 was a dramatic improvement with an effective range over three times greater than the M-1.

While there were still problems with the flame thrower’s electrical system, the M-1A1 was such an improvement that it was rushed into production with a run of some 14,000 units.

The first combat use of the M-1A1 took place in mid-1943. While generally successful, the problems with the ignition system plagued the weapon. Something better was needed.

M2-2 Flame Thrower
The Chemical Warfare Service continued its efforts to improve the flame thrower. Two improved versions were considered. The E2 featured a waterproofed electrical ignition system and lightweight aluminum tanks. The E3 had a streamlined flame gun, a better fitting backpack carrying system and a pyrotechnic cartridge type ignition system. This consisted of a plastic cylinder, much like a revolver, which held six patches of incendiary material. When the trigger on the front hand grip was pressed, a “match-mixture-coated pin” ignited one of the incendiary patches and the resulting shower of sparks ignited the fuel mixture. Six bursts could be fired before the cartridge had to be replaced. This type of ignition system had superior waterproofing and was more reliable, especially under typical jungle conditions.

Both models had very similar performance and both had an effective range with the thickened fuel mixture of about 60 yards. The engineers felt that the E3 would be a more rugged and reliable system and it was standardized in March of 1944 as the M2-2. The M2-2 weighed 70 pounds fully loaded and had a fuel capacity of four gallons. Some 24,500 M2-2s were built between 1944 and 1945.

The first combat use of the M2-2 was during the fighting on Guam in July of 1944. While the M2-2 was a definite improvement over the previous flame throwers, it still had drawbacks. It was too heavy when fully loaded, uncomfortable to carry for long distances and had a limited fuel capacity. Still it was a reliable weapon and saw service until well after the end of the war.

The US must have provided at least a few to Allied forces in the Pacific because I have seen movie footage of the Battle of Balikpapan in Borneo in 1945 (the Australian 7th Division, with US, UK and Dutch support), the last great Australian amphibious assault of WWII, and there is really clear footage of Australian troops using what looks very much to me as the M2-2 as you've described it. From the range of the flame streams it's clear whatever weapon it is is filled with napalm.

Should have said the first U.S. combat use was on Guam.

Numbers of the M2-2 were supplied via Lend-Lease to the British (for testing only) as well as the Free French, Russians and the Australians. As to the exact numbers, I've never been able to track down anything saything that a specific number were provided, and the reference works I've accessed as well as the offical records all claim that these were for evaluation only. I was not aware of any combat use by the Australians, any chance that you can provide any further details?

Apologies, I don't have any solid information at all really.

The footage I saw was in a compilation of black and white British newsreel footage in a film called Balikpapan that screened on free to air TV here in Australia on Anzac Day last year. I had a copy saved on my PS3 (which I use for recording TV) but I deleted it after re-watching it recently.

A quick internet search has turned up the following (none of it from the TV film I recorded):

There's US newsreel combat footage of a flamethrower being used at Balikpapan at 1m 16s in this video: Allied troops invade - World War II - Australian 7th Division, Douglas-MacArthur . In that footage you can't see who's holding the flamethrower but given that the land combat forces involved were almost exclusively Australian, it's likely that it was an Aussie soldier.

The website https://archive.org/ won't let me link directly to the video, but at 11m 18s of the video July 1945 newsreel: from the Potsdam Conference to the 914mm "Little David" mortar (it includes US newsreel footage filmed at Balikpapan) you can see clearly that it's an Aussie soldier firing a flamethrower. Is it an M2-2?

I'm stuck at work so I can't download much of anything on the computer, but the easy way to tell the difference is that the M-1 flame gun looks like a wand with a lever at the end, the M2-2 has a forward and aft pistol grip on its gun, the nozzle is also a tapered cone.

If you are a fan of classic Hollywood movies, the flame thrower most commonly uses is the M2-2, the only film that I've seen with a M-1 is "Saving Private Ryan".

The Armored Divisions
 

Unit Nickname Campaigns
1st Armored Division 'Old Ironsides' Algeria-French Morocco; Tunisia; Naples-Foggia; Anzio; Rome-Arno; North
Apennines; Po Valley
2nd Armored Division 'Hell on Wheels' Algeria-French Morocco; Sicily; Normandy; Northern France; Rhineland;
Ardennes-Alsace; Central Europe
3rd Armored Division 'Spearhead' Normandy; Northern France; Rhineland; Ardennes-Alsace; Central Europe
4th Armored Division Normandy; Northern France; Rhineland; Ardennes-Alsace; Central Europe
5th Armored Division 'Victory' Normandy; Northern France; Rhineland; Ardennes-Alsace; Central Europe
6th Armored Division 'Super Sixth' Normandy; Northern France; Rhineland; Ardennes-Alsace; Central Europe
7th Armored Division 'Lucky Seventh' Northern France; Rhineland; Ardennes-Alsace; Central Europe
8th Armored Division 'Tornado' Rhineland; Ardennes-Alsace; Central Europe
9th Armored Division 'Phantom' Rhineland; Ardennes-Alsace; Central Europe
10th Armored Division 'Tiger' Rhineland; Ardennes-Alsace; Central Europe
11th Armored Division 'Thunderbolt' Rhineland; Ardennes-Alsace; Central Europe
12th Armored Division 'Hellcat' Rhineland; Ardennes-Alsace;Central Europe
13th Armored Division 'Black Cat' Rhineland; Central Europe
14th Armored Division 'Liberator' Rhineland; Ardennes-Alsace; Central Europe
16th Armored Division Central Europe
20th Armored Division Central Europe

The Cavalry Divisions
 

Unit Nickname Campaigns

1st Cavalry Division 'First Team' New Guinea; Bismarck Archipelago; Leyte; Luzon
2nd Cavalry Division (Colored) European Theater (without inscription)

The Infantry Divisions: The Regular Army
 

Unit Nickname Campaigns
1st Infantry Division 'Big Red One'
Algeria-French Morocco; Tunisia; Sicily; Normandy; Northern France; Rhineland; Ardennes-Alsace; Central Europe
2nd Infantry Division 'Indianhead'
Normandy; Northern France; Rhineland; Ardennes-Alsace; Central Europe
3rd Infantry Division 'Rock of the Marne'
Algeria-French Morocco; Tunisia; Sicily; Naples-Foggia; Anzio; Rome-Arno; Southern France; Rhineland; Ardennes-Alsace; Central Europe
4th Infantry Division 'Ivy'
Normandy; Northern France; Rhineland; Ardennes-Alsace; Central Europe
5th Infantry Division 'Red Diamond'
Normandy; Northern France; Rhineland; Ardennes-Alsace; Central Europe
6th Infantry Division 'Sightseeing Sixth'
New Guinea; Luzon
6th Airborne Division
Operation Fortitude deception unit
7th Infantry Division 'Bayonet'
Aleutian Islands; Eastern Mandates; Leyte; Ryukyus
8th Infantry Division 'Pathfinder'
Normandy; Northern France; Rhineland, Central Europe
9th Infantry Division 'Varsity'
Algeria-French Morocco; Tunisia; Sicily; Normandy; Northern France;
Rhineland; Ardennes-Alsace; Central Europe
9th Airborne Division
Operation Fortitude deception unit
10th Mountain Division 'Mountaineers'
North Apennines; Po Valley
11th Infantry Division
Operation Fortitude deception unit
11th Airborne Division 'Angels'
New Guinea; Luzon
12th Infantry Division 'The Plymouth Division'
American Theater
13th Airborne Division
Central Europe
14th Infantry Division
Operation Fortitude deception unit
15th Airborne Division
Planned for activation , but canceled due to manning problems
17th Infantry Division
Operation Fortitude deception unit
17th Airborne Division 'Golden Talon'
Rhineland; Ardennes-Alsace; Central Europe
18th Airborne Division
Operation Fortitude deception unit
19th Infantry Division
American Theater
21st Airborne Division
Operation Fortitude deception unit
22nd Infantry Division
Operation Fortitude deception unit
24th Infantry Division 'Victory'
Central Pacific; New Guinea; Leyte; Southern Philippines; Luzon
25th Infantry Division 'Tropical Lightning'
Central Pacific; Northern Solomons; Guadalcanal; Luzon
Americal Division
Guadalcanal; Northern Solomons; Leyte; Southern Philippines
Philippine Division
Philippine Islands

The Infantry Divisions: The National Guard
 

26th Infantry Division 'Yankee'
Northern France; Rhineland; Ardennes-Alsace; Central Europe
27th Infantry Division 'New York'
Central Pacific; Western Pacific; Ryukyus
28th Infantry Division 'Keystone'
Normandy; Northern France; Rhineland; Ardennes-Alsace; Central Europe
29th Infantry Division 'Blue & Grey'
Normandy; Northern France; Rhineland; Central Europe
30th Infantry Division 'Old Hickory'
Normandy; Northern France; Rhineland; Ardennes-Alsace; Central Europe
31st Infantry Division 'Dixie'
New Guinea; Southern Philippines
32nd Infantry Division 'Red Arrow'
New Guinea; Southern Philippines; Luzon
33rd Infantry Division 'Prairie'
New Guinea; Luzon
34th Infantry Division 'Red Bull'
Tunisia; Naples-Foggia; Anzio; Rome-Arno; North Apennines; Po Valley
35th Infantry Division 'Sante Fe'
Normandy; Northern France; Rhineland; Ardennes-Alsace; Central Europe
36th Infantry Division 'Texas'
Naples-Foggia; Anzio; Rome-Arno; Southern France; Rhineland; Ardennes- Alsace; Central Europe
37th Infantry Division 'Buckeye'
Northern Solomons; Luzon
38th Infantry Division 'Cyclone'
New Guinea; Southern Philippines; Luzon
39th Infantry Division 'Delta'
American Theater
40th Infantry Division 'Grizzly'
Bismarck Archipelago; Southern Philippines; Luzon
41st Infantry Division 'Sunset'
New Guinea; Luzon; Southern Philippines
42nd Infantry Division 'Rainbow'
Rhineland; Central Europe
43rd Infantry Division 'Winged Victory'
Guadalcanal; Northern Solomons; New Guinea; Luzon
44th Infantry Division
Northern France; Rhineland; Central Europe
45th Infantry Division 'Thunderbird'
Sicily; Naples-Foggia; Anzio; Rome-Arno; Southern France; Rhineland; Ardennes-Alsace; Central Europe

The Infantry Divisions: The National Army
 

46th Infantry Division
Operation Fortitude deception unit
48th Infantry Division
Operation Fortitude deception unit
50th Infantry Division
Operation Fortitude deception unit
55th Infantry Division
Operation Fortitude deception unit
59th Infantry Division
Operation Fortitude deception unit
61st Infantry Division
Planned for activation , but canceled due to manning problems
62nd Infantry Division
Planned for activation , but canceled due to manning problems
63rd Infantry Division 'Blood & Fire'
Rhineland; Central Europe
65th Infantry Division 'Battle Axe'
Rhineland; Central Europe
66th Infantry Division 'Panther'
Northern France
67th Infantry Division
Planned for activation , but canceled due to manning problems
68th Infantry Division
Planned for activation , but canceled due to manning problems
69th Infantry Division 'Fighting 69th'
Rhineland; Central Europe
70th Infantry Division 'Trailblazer'
Rhineland; Central Europe
71st Infantry Division 'Red Circle'
Rhineland; Central Europe
72nd Infantry Division
Planned for activation , but canceled due to manning problems
73rd Infantry Division
Planned for activation , but canceled due to manning problems
74th Infantry Division
Planned for activation , but canceled due to manning problems
75th Infantry Division
Rhineland; Ardennes-Alsace; Central Europe
76th Infantry Division 'Onaway'
Rhineland; Ardennes-Alsace; Central Europe
77th Infantry Division 'Statue of Liberty'
Western Pacific; Leyte; Ryukyus
78th Infantry Division 'Lightning '
Rhineland; Ardennes; Alsace; Central Europe
79th Infantry Division 'Cross of Lorraine'
Normandy; Northern France; Rhineland; Ardennes-Alsace; Central Europe
80th Infantry Division 'Blue Ridge'
Northern France; Rhineland; Ardennes-Alsace; Central Europe
81st Infantry Division 'Wildcats'
Western Pacific; Leyte
82nd Airborne Division 'All American'
Sicily; Naples-Foggia; Normandy; Rhineland; Ardennes-Alsace; Central Europe
83rd Infantry Division 'Thunderbolt'
Normandy; Northern France; Rhineland; Ardennes-Alsace; Central Europe
84th Infantry Division 'Railsplitters'
Rhineland; Ardennes; Alsace; Central Europe
85th Infantry Division 'Custer'
Rome-Arno; North Apennines; Po Valley
86th Infantry Division 'Black Hawk'
Central Europe
87th Infantry Division 'Golden Acorn'
Rhineland; Ardennes; Alsace; Central Europe
88th Infantry Division 'Blue Devils'
Rome-Arno; North Apennines; Po Valley
89th Infantry Division 'Rolling W'
Rhineland; Central Europe
90th Infantry Division 'Tough Ombres'
Normandy; Northern France; Rhineland; Ardennes-Alsace; Central Europe
91st Infantry Division 'Pine Tree'
Rome-Arno; North Apennines; Po Valley
92nd Infantry Division (Colored) 'Buffalo'
North Apennines; Po Valley
93rd Infantry Division (Colored) 'Bloody Hand'
Northern Solomons; Bismarck Archipelago; New Guinea
94th Infantry Division 'Neuf Quatres
Northern France; Rhineland; Ardennes-Alsace; Central Europe
95th Infantry Division 'Victory'
Northern France; Rhineland; Ardennes-Alsace; Central Europe
96th Infantry Division 'Deadeye'
Leyte; Ryukyus
97th Infantry Division 'Trident'
Central Europe
98th Infantry Division 'Iroquois'
Pacific Theater (without inscription)
99th Infantry Division 'Checkerboard'
Rhineland; Ardennes-Alsace; Central Europe
100th Infantry Division 'Century'
Rhineland; Ardennes-Alsace; Central Europe
101st Airborne Division 'Screaming Eagles'
Normandy; Rhineland; Ardennes-Alsace; Central Europe
102nd Infantry Division 'Ozerk'
Rhineland; Central Europe
103rd Infantry Division 'Cactus'
Rhineland; Ardennes-Alsace; Central Europe
104th Infantry Division 'Timberwolves'
Northern France; Rhineland; Central Europe
105th Infantry Division
Planned for activation , but canceled due to manning problems
106th Infantry Division 'Golden Lion'
Rhineland; Ardennes-Alsace; Central Europe
107th Infantry Division
Planned for activation , but canceled due to manning problems
108th Infantry Division
Operation Fortitude deception unit
119th Infantry Division
Operation Fortitude deception unit
130th Infantry Division
Operation Fortitude deception unit
135th Airborne Division
Operation Fortitude deception unit
141st Infantry Division
Operation Fortitude deception unit
157th Infantry Division
Operation Fortitude deception unit

FWIW, I am reading "Marshall and his generals" by Stephen Taaffe this week. It's focused on corps, field army, army group, and theater commanders, and how they were selected and promoted. A lot of names have cropped up that one rarely hears, if ever-- generals who never got the chance to leave the States, or who shipped out with commands but were shouldered aside for someone with more experience.

There's a bit more on the rivalry between Eisenhower and Devers (the latter was able to outmaneuver the former in several instances, which may have rankled Ike).
The system generally would be Marshall sending a list of candidates to the theater commanders when a new HQ was needed, and the men on the spot would select from a list. Sometimes, the chief of staff would indicate his preference, which the commanders might or might not accept.

It's sometimes fascinating to think of the might-have-beens, such as Stilwell or Eichelberger going to North Africa instead of China or the Pacific.
-- Clark going to France instead of sticking it out in Italy,
-- Eisenhower going to Washington as Army chief of staff and Marshall taking the ETO for Overlord.
-- Three generals (Collins, Patch, and Corlett) who had made amphibious landings in the Pacific, taking key roles for D-Day. (Alternately, the Navy bringing Terrible Turner to run Neptune!)

On the whole, I think we can agree that the US Army picked pretty well, most of the higher formation commanders did good work.

Marshall always wanted the SHAEF job over Ike, so I can see Ike switching over to Chief-of-Staff, by IRL, Marshall was much more useful to FDR/Truman.

Can you picture MacArthur as SHAEF?

With Clark taking his place in the Pacific?

Artillery of the u.s. Army in world war two
 

Prepared to be confused.

The U.S. Army entered World War Two with a mixture of obsolescent World War One pieces as well as a small but growing number of new production equipment. I’ll try to explain the major differences where I can. I will not, at this time, go into a detailed description of construction.

Enjoy!

Anti-Tank Guns
 

The Anti-tank gun is specifically, an artillery piece designed to destroy enemy armor. The towed anti-tank gun is normally used from a static, defensive position. Their initial use started in the later wars of World War One were artillerymen used their field guns and howitzers to defend against attacking enemy armor, and in the interwar years and during World War Two, it was common practice to train artillerymen to engage enemy armor in direct fire. While trained to engage, it was considered to be a waste of artillery resources and personnel to do so. By World War Two, it was the practice to issue anti-tank gun to infantry units, manned by specialist infantrymen.

At the start of World War Two, the most common anti-tank guns were 25mm, 37mm, 40mm (2-pounder) and 45mm. Against prewar tanks, their performance was highly successful, but as newer tank designs were introduced (with increasing armor), the race to design a anti-tank gun to match accelerated. By the mid-war years, anti-tank guns had increased in size to 50mm and 57mm. The earlier weapons were easy to move and to conceal. The new guns required larger trucks to move them and were difficult to conceal, dig-in, withdraw or reposition. As tank armor increased yet again, the drive to introduce still larger calibers increased as well, by the end of the war, the anti-tank gun was almost impractical in their role, and their size, weight and expense was considered a liability.

Meanwhile, the effect of very compact hollow charge warheads was being noted and a number of countries began producing man-portable anti-tank weapons utilizing this ammunition. The development of man-portable, shoulder-fired anti-tank rocket launchers began in 1941; most could be reloaded, but a few such as the German Panzerfaust were fired from disposable tubes. Unlike anti-tank guns, their light weight made them easily portable by individual infantrymen on the battlefield, and they offered similar degrees of firepower whilst being quicker and cheaper to produce.

After the war ended, by and large, anti-tank guns disappeared from most Western countries, in favor of shoulder-fired rocket launchers, recoilless rifles and eventually wire-guided anti-tank missiles.

37mm Gun M-3 and M-3A1 on Carriage M4A1
Standard

The 37 mm Gun M3 is the first dedicated anti-tank gun fielded by United States forces in numbers. Introduced in 1940, it became the standard anti-tank gun of the U.S. infantry with its size enabling it to be pulled by a jeep. However, the continuing improvement of German tanks quickly rendered the 37 mm ineffective and, by 1943, it was being gradually replaced in the European and Mediterranean theaters by the more powerful British-developed 57 mm Gun M1. In the Pacific, where the Japanese tank threat was less significant, the M3 remained in service until the end of the war.

Like many other light anti-tank guns, the M3 was widely used in the infantry support role and as an anti-personnel weapon, firing high-explosive and canister rounds.

In addition to its anti-tank role, the M-5 and M-6 37mm guns were used in various vehicles, such as the Light Tank M-3 and M-5, the medium tank M-3 and the M-8 armored car. By the end of the war, some 18,702 M-3/M-3A1 guns were produced.

Weight of the weapon (firing order) was 912lbs, 950lbs in travel order. Elevation and depression ranges from-10 degrees to +15 degrees. Traverse is 30 degrees R/L. Maximum range was 12,800 yards for the HE round and 7,500 yards for the APC round. Maximum armor penetration for the APC round was 2.4 inches at 500 yards. Rate of fire was 15-20 rounds per minute.

Ammunition consisted of the M-74 AP (penetration of 1.42in at 500yds); the M-63 HE shell (containing 1.36oz of flaked TNT); the M-51B1 APC round and the M-2 Canister round (containing 122 3/8-inch steel balls).

57mm Gun M1 on Carriage M-1, M-1A1, M-1A2 or M-1A3
Standard

The North African campaign rapidly convinced the Army that the 37mm gun was too light to be able to successfully engage enemy armor. The decision was made to acquire the British 6-pounder Mark 2 gun and the drawings were received in early 1941 and converted into standard U.S. dimensions, tolerances and threads. It was adopted into service in May 1941. The only major differences between the American and British weapons is that the American version is 16-inches longer and a muzzle velocity about 100fps greater. Total production of the U.S. version was 15,637 pieces.

Weight of the weapon is 2,810lbs. Elevation and depression ranges from +5 degrees to +15 degrees. Traverse is 45 degrees L/R. Maximum range is 10,620yds. Maximum armor penetration is 3.11 inches at 1,000yds. Rate of fire is 12-15rpm.
In U.S. service, the only issued round was the M-86 APC.

As for the multiple carriages…

M-1 is the British carriage with changes in dimensions, clearances and threads to meet U.S. standard methods. It is a two wheel, split-trail type with a curved shield and uses handwheel traversing and elevation gears. It is fitted with commercially available wheels and tires. Limited Standard.

M-1A1 is the M-1 carriage but fitted with combat wheels and tires. Limited Standard.

M-1A2 removes the traversing handwheel and gear mechanism and can be freely traversed on its pintle by the gunner pushing and pulling on his shoulder piece. Substitute Standard.

M-1A3 features a modified lunette and trail lock that allows for a reduced turning circle when being towed. Standard.


3-inch Gun M-5 on Carriage M-1, M-1A1, or M-2
Standard

This is the heavy anti-tank gun that equipped the Tank-Destroyer (Towed) Battalions. It was developed in September 1940 with a demand that it be capable of stopping then known enemy tank. In order to speed development the decision was made to adapt various items then in current supply/manufacture. It consists of the barrel of the AA Gun M-3 fitted to the breech of the 105mm Howitzer M-1 and mounted on adopted Howitzer Carriage M-2. The result was Standardized in December 1941 and placed into production in late 1942. Total production of both types was 2,500 pieces.

Weight in firing order is 4,875lbs. Elevation and depression ranges from+5 degrees to +30 degrees. Traverse is 22.5 degrees L/R. Maximum range is 15,400 yards. Maximum armor penetration is 3.93 inches at 1,000 yards. Rate of fire is 8-12rpm.

Ammunition available consists of the M-42A1 HE shell; the M-79 AP round (armor penetration of 3.93in at 1,000yds); and the M-62A1 APC round.
And the carriages…

M-1 is the standard 105mm Howitzer Carriage M-2 with modifications to the cradle to accept the 3-inch gun tube. It is a split trail, two-wheel carriage fitted with a vertical shield. Limited Standard.

M-1A1 is the M-1 modified by the Tank-Destroyer Board with the shield sloping backwards and fitted with axle stops and firing segments. Standard.

M-2 is exactly the same as the M-1A1 but is of new manufacture instead of being a modified M-1 carriage. Standard.

75mm Gun M-1897A2, M-1897A4 on Carriages M-2A1, M-2A2 and M-2A3
Standard

This is the French 75mm M1897 Field Gun. It is constructed in the U.S., but the French and U.S. parts are interchangeable.

Weight in firing order: 3,400lbs. Elevation and depression: -9 degrees +45 degrees. Traverse is 30 degrees L/R. Maximum range is 13,870yds. Rate of fire is 6rpm.

Ammunition available is the M-48 HE shell; M-72 AP round (armor penetration is 2.7in at 1,000yds); and the M-61 APC round (armor penetration is 2.5in at 1,000yds).

Carriages M-2A1 and M2A2 are designed for high speed towing, they are split trail, two-wheeled designs.

Carriage M-2A3 is a modification of the M-2A1/M-2A2 with improved clearance for the axle.

I've included the 75mm in spite of its intended role as the standard field piece, at least in the early days of the war. While production was gearing up for the new anti-tank guns, the old M-1897A2 and M-1897A4 were pressed into service as anti-tank weapons and were even mounted on the Half Track M-3 as a Gun Motor Carriage.

Howitzers
 

75mm Pack Howitzer M-1A1 on Carriages M-1, M-3A1, M-3A2, M-3A3 and
M-8

Standard

Originally designed for pack transport, animal draft and low-speed towing. Animal was disconnected prior to the war and the special accessories made obsolete. Development started in 1902 and the M-1 was standardized in 1927. Slight changes in the M-1 were later made and this became the
M-1A1. The primary use of this version was in mountainous terrain.

Weight in firing order was 1,269lbs. Elevation and depression ranges from -5 degrees to +45 degrees, Traverse is 3 degrees L/R. Maximum range is 9,760yds and the rate of fir is 6rpm.

Ammunition available includes the M-41A1 HE shell; M-48 HE with Tracer shell; and the M-66 HEAT shell (armor penetration of 3in at howitzer ranges).

The M-1 carriage is a box-trail, two-wheel unit designed for pack transport and low-speed towing. It is equipped with wooden spoked wheels.

M-3A1 carriage is designed for high-speed towing and is a redesign of the
M-1 carriage. It is a split-trail, two-wheeled design. Limited Standard.

M-3A2 basically a M-3A1 carriage that has been fitted with an armor shield. Standard.

M-3A3 this is a M-3A1 or M-3A2 carriage equipped with combat tires. Standard

The M-8 carriage is designed for airborne use and is identical to the M-1 carriage but is fitted for high-speed towing and rubber wheels.

In this version of the pack howitzer, it can be broken down into nine loads for airborne operations. Paracrates M1 to M7 are constructed of plywood, each paracrate designed to accommodate a specific load. When packed, the paracrates are secured to bomb shackles and parachute harnesses by means of a quick release fitting. A standard 24-foot cargo parachute is attached to each load. Paracrates M1 to M5 together with the M9 are fastened together and dropped from parachute racks on the bottom of the transport. Paracrates M6 and M8 are carried as a daisy-chain load inside the fuselage, from which they are pushed out through the door of the airplane.

Paracrate M-1 contains the front trail, front reinforcement, rear reinforcement and a lifting bar. It weighs 326lbs.

Paracrate M2 contains the rear trail, axle, trail handspike, sponge staff, tool box and spare parts. It weighs 274lbs.

Paracrate M3 contains the bottom sleigh and recoil mechanism, aiming circle w/case, and a lifting bar. It weighs 326lbs.

Paracrate M4 contains the cradle and top sleigh. It weighs 331lbs.

Paracrate M5 contains the tube and a lifting bar. It weighs 302lbs.

Paracrate M6 contains the breech assembly and the panoramic telescope w/mount. Weight is 202lbs.

Paracrate M7 contains the two wheels. Wight is 217lbs.

Paracrate M8 consists of a chest holding 8 rounds of ammunition, packed in individual fiber containers. Weight is 290lbs.

Paracrate M9 consists of a cart holding a chest, holding 8 rounds of ammunition, packed in individual fiber containers. Weight is 304lbs.


105mm Howitzer M-2 and M-2A1 on Carriages M-2, M-2A1 and M-2A2

Standard

The standard artillery piece of the U.S. Army in World War Two. The design originated in a report by the Caliber Board in 1919 which made recommendations for future equipment as a result of experiences in France. Development began in 1920 and the Howitzer M-1 was standardized in 1928. No manufacture was undertaken. When the Army began its mechanization, it became necessary to redesign all horse-drawn equipment. The redesign of the M-1 began in 1933 but was then shelved and not restarted until 1936.

Weight in firing order: 4,980lbs. Elevation and depression: -4 degrees to +64 degrees. Traverse is 22.5 degrees L/R. Maximum range is 12,200 yards. Rate of fire is 2-4rpm.

Ammunition includes M-1 HE shell; M-67 HEAT shell (armor penetration is 4.5in at howitzer range; M-60 Chemical Shell (Smoke); M-60 Chemical Shell (WP); M-60 Chemical Shell, Gas (HS); M-84/M-84B1 Shell Chem (smoke).

Carriage M-2 is a prewar design fitted with electric brakes. Limited Standard.
Carriage M-2A1 uses standard brakes. Limited Standard.

Carriage M-2A2 is fitted with a new, larger gun shield, a larger buffer and an enclosed screw traverse. Standard.


105mm Howitzer M-3 on Carriage M-3 and M-3A1

Standard

A lightweight version of the Howitzer M-2 designed for airborne use or for other tasks where light weight is an advantage. It fires the same ammunition as the M-2, except for using a smaller propelling charges. The barrel and breech mechanism are those of the Howitzer M-2,with the barrel reduced in length by 27in.

Weight in firing order is 2,495lbs. Elevation and depression is -9 degrees to +65 degrees. Traverse is 22.5 degrees L/R. Maximum range is 8,295yds. Rate of fire is 15rpm.

The Carriage M-3 is assembled from the 75mm Howitzer Carriage M-3A1 with the 75mm Howitzer Carriage M-8 recoil mechanism. Substitute Standard.

The Carriage M-3A1 is fitted with shields. Standard.

155mm Howitzers M-1917, M-1917A1 on Carriages M-1917, M-1917A1, M-1917A2, M-1917A3, M-1917A4

Limited Standard

The first 155mm howitzers used by the U.S. Army, they were designed and manufactured in France by the Schneider Company. In turn, they were superseded by the M-1918 which was in turn superseded by the M-1 as the standard 155mm howitzer. The M-1917 and M-1918A1 were short, heavy cannons with built-up barrels.

Weight in action was 8,184lbs. Elevation and depression was 0 degrees to 42 degrees. Traverse was 3 degrees L/R. Maximum Range was 12,400yds and rate of fire was 1-2rpm.

Carriage M-1917 was a French manufactured carriage with a box trail, steel-tired wooden wheels and a curved gun shield. Recoil and counter recoil of the howitzer was regulated by a hydropneumatic recoil system, housed in a sleigh to which the howitzer is connected. Limited Standard.

Carriage M-1917A1 this the M-1917 carriage with a straight gunshield, a sight port, rubber-tired wheels and provision for a quadrant sight and a panoramic sight. Limited Standard.

Carriage M-1917A2 when the M-1917A1 carriage is modified with a cradle lock and drawbar for motor draft, it is redesignated as the Carriage M-1917A2. These modifications eliminate the need for a limber. Limited Standard.

Carriage M-1917A3 this modification includes a high speed axle, wheels with pneumatic tires, a drawbar and a cradle traveling lock. Limited Standard.
Carriage M-1917A4 the addition of torque rods to a Carriage M-1917A4 results in the Carriage M-1917A4.


155mm Howitzer M1918 on Carriage M-1918, M-1918A1 and M-1918A3

Substitute Standard

Similar in build, weight, dimensions and ballistics to the M-1917 and M-1917A1. The firing mechanism is of the screw type and is provided with a block-latch assembly as a safety measure.

Weight in firing order: 8,184lbs. Elevation and depression is 0 degrees to +42 degrees. Traverse is 3 degrees L/R. Maximum range is 12,400yds, Rate of fire Is 2rpm.

Carriage M-1918 In its main construction details, this is similar to the Carriage M-1917. The wheels have rubber tires and the shield consists of right and left plates suitably connected together. Limited Standard.

Carriage M-1918A1 experiments in 1933 for the purpose of adapting the 155mm howitzer to high speed transport resulted in connecting the carriage to the prime mover by means of a draw bar and in new wheel bearings to reduce friction as well as pneumatic-tired wheels. Limited Standard,

Carriage M-1918A3 this is the Carriage M-1918A1 when equipped with torque rods. Limited Standard.


155mm Howitzer M-1 on Carriage M-1

Standard

The barrel is longer and heavier than the barrels of previous models.

Weight in firing order is 11,966lbs. Elevation and depression is 0 degrees to +65 degrees. Traverse is 26 degrees L/R. Maximum range is 16,000yds. Rate of fire is 2rpm.

Carriage M-1 is interchangeable with the Carriage M-2 used for the Gun 4.5-inch M-1. Length of recoil varies automatically with the elevation and zone of fire. Equilibrators of the spring type neutralize the unbalanced weight of the tube. The carriage has a split trail, pneumatic tires and air brakes. Standard.

8-inch Howitzer M-1 on Carriage M-1
Standard

Based on the British 8-inch Howitzers, Mk. VI, Mk. VII and Mk. VIII-1/2 and issued to the AEF during World War One. The original design started in 1919 but lapsed until resurrected in 1927 as a partner-piece for a new 155 mm gun. It was standardized as 8 inch Howitzer M1 in 1940.

Weight in firing order: 31,700lbs. Elevation and depression: 0 degrees to +64 degrees. Travers is 30 degrees L/R. Maximum range is 18,510 yards. Rate of fire is 1 round in 2 minutes.

240mm Howitzer M-1918M1A1 on Carriage M-1918A2
Limited Standard

Adopted by the AEF in 1918 as the super heavy artillery piece. This is a French manufactured unit. 330 were purchased during World War One.

Weight in firing order: 41,296lbs. Elevation and depression: +1 degree to +60 degrees. Traverse is 10 degrees L/R. Maximum range is 16,400 yards. Rate of fire is 1 round in 5 minutes.

240mm Howitzer M-1 on Carriage M-1
Standard

The 240 mm Howitzer M-1, was a towed howitzer used by the United States Army. The 240 mm M-1 was designed to replace the World War I era 240 mm Howitzer M-1918 which was based on a 1911 French design and was outdated by World War II. The project to replace the M-1918 began in 1941.

It was the largest field piece used by the US Army during the war except for naval ordnance adapted into railway guns. The weapon addressed the requirement for super heavy field artillery capable of attacking heavily reinforced targets like those likely to be found along the Siegfried Line. A total of 315 were produced.

Weight in firing order: 64,700lbs. Elevation and depression: +15 degrees to +65 degrees. Traverse is 22.5 degrees L/R. Maximum Range is 25,225 yards. Rate of fire is 1 round per 2 minutes.

You need the M114 155mm Towed Howitzer. It was introduced in 1942 and I was shooting one at Ft. Drum NY in 1992. They are STILL in mothballs with the Army... along with a couple of THOUSAND M2 105mm Towed Howitzers.

The M-114 is simply the Korean War vintage M-1A1 155mm howizer. It was renumbered in 1962. Since this work is WW2 oriented, I didn't list either of these.

Part Forty One: Artillery-the Guns
 

155mm Gun M-1917, M-1918M1 on Carriages M-1017, M-1917A1, M-1918, M-1918A1, M-2 and M-3
Substitute Standard

The M-1918M1 started out as a French design (Canon de 155mm GPF) and served as the French Army’s standard field gun from 1917 to World War Two, it was used by the U.S. Army as the 155mm Gun M-1917. A slightly modified version was adopted by the AEF in 1918 as the 155mm Gun M-1918. It was used by the United States Army and United States Marine Corps as their primary heavy artillery gun until 1942, when it was gradually replaced by the 155mm Gun M-1A1.

Weight in firing order: 23,302lbs. Elevation and depression: 0 degrees to +35 degrees. Traverse is 30 degrees L/R. Maximum range is 20,100 yards. Rate of fire is 4rpm.

155mm Gun M-1A1 on Carriage M-1
Standard

The 155 mm Gun M1 was a 155 millimeter caliber field gun developed and used by the United States military. Nicknamed "Long Tom", it was produced in M1 and M1A1 variants. Developed to replace the Canon de 155mm GPF (M-1917, M-1918), the gun was deployed as a heavy field weapon during World War II, and also classed as secondary armament for seacoast defense.

Weight in firing order: 30,600lbs. Elevation and depression: 0 degrees to +65 degrees. Traverse is 30 degrees L/R. Maximum range is 25,395 yards. Rate of fire is 1rpm.


8-inch Gun M-1 on Carriage M-2
Standard

In 1919, the Westervelt Board described the ideal heavy gun for future development having a bore of 194mm to 8-inches, a projectile of about 200lbs, and a range of 35,000 yards. More striking was that it be must be road transportable. At this time no other country had such a road-transportable field gun. Low-priority design work occurred until 1924. Serious development began in June 1940 of an 8-inch (203 mm) gun that would have a range of 33,500 yards (30,600 m), a road speed of 25 mph (40 km/h), be transported in two loads weighing no more than 44,000lbs and be suitable for rail movement. The gun used the same projectile as the 8-inch coastal gun and the US Navy's 8-inch cruiser gun. Using the same carriage as the 240 mm howitzer M1 eased development, but the gun was very troublesome and was not standardized until January 1942. The main problems were excessive bore wear and poor accuracy, but it was felt that nothing better could be produced in a timely manner. Thus it entered production at a low rate and in small numbers. Only 139 weapon systems were produced before production ceased in 1945.

Weight in firing order: 69,300lbs. Elevation and depression: +10 degrees to +50 degrees. Traverse is 15 degrees L/R. Maximum range is 35,635yds. Rate of fire is 1rpm.